The Carolinian Newspaper

Duke Energy Offers $500,000 To Support Small Businesses In NC

The Carolinian — Sat, 13 Jun 2026 17:03:10 +0000

CHARLOTTE, N.C.- The Duke Energy Foundation today announced $500,000 in grants to support nonprofit-led programs that help small businesses start, grow and thrive across North Carolina.

Zoom in: Nonprofit organizations can apply for $25,000 grants, which will then fund microgrants of up to $5,000 to individual small businesses. Funding can be used by local businesses like restaurants and retail stores to complete renovations, buy equipment or technology, purchase inventory or meet other business needs.

Flashback: Twenty North Carolina organizations were awarded funding for small business support in 2025, including Beaufort Business Association and Moore County Economic Development Partnership. Since 2020, Duke Energy Foundation has committed more than $2.9 million to support small businesses across North Carolina.

Why it matters: "Small businesses are the backbone of the economy, especially in North Carolina where they employ nearly half of the state's workforce," said Kendal Bowman, Duke Energy's North Carolina president. "Through strategic grantmaking, the Foundation helps to stimulate local economies, create jobs and foster economic growth in the communities where Duke Energy operates."

How to apply: Eligible nonprofits can find additional program details and apply via the Duke Energy Foundation's website. Applications are open now through June 30, 2026.

For Black women in abusive relationships, gun‑control loopholes can engender deadly disparities

The Carolinian — Sat, 13 Jun 2026 17:00:00 +0000

The Conversation - In April 2026, Dr. Cerina Wanzer Fairfax was shot and killed by her husband while their divorce was pending.

She had done what she was supposed to do. She had initiated the legal process to leave Justin Fairfax, the former lieutenant governor of Virginia. It didn’t save her.

What happened to Wanzer Fairfax has a name: femicide.

Femicide is the intentional killing of women on the basis of gender. Women are most often killed by their partner, former partners or another person who believes they have a claim on their life. It happens in living rooms and driveways and parking lots. It happens during marriage, divorces, separations and in the weeks after a woman finally walks out the door.

As a scholar focused on the intersection of firearm violence and intimate partner homicide, I examine the policy and structural conditions that determine who is at risk and where prevention efforts are falling short.

Intimate partner homicide doesn’t affect all women equally. Black women have the nation’s highest rates of homicide by an intimate partner, according to data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

A 2024 study in The Lancet tracking homicide deaths from 1999 to 2020 found that Black women ages 25 to 44 are killed at nearly four times the rate of their white peers.

Spring 2026 saw three such cases make national headlines.

Just prior to Wanzer Fairfax’s death, Vice Mayor Nancy Metayer Bowen of Coral Springs, Florida, was shot to death – allegedy by her husband. Also in April, in Louisiana, Shaneiqua Pugh was shot by her husband, as was Christina Snow, the mother of three of the killer’s children. Pugh and Snow are both expected to survive. Eight children, however, were killed.

Three cases. Three states. One month. All, sadly, preventable.

Intimate partner homicide claims more than 1,800 lives in the United States every year. Nearly half of victims are killed by a current or former intimate male partner – not a stranger. These aren’t random acts of violence.

Separation is one of the most dangerous times in an abusive relationship. This is why we cannot see the death of Wanzer Fairfax and others like hers as one-off tragedies. They represent a decades-long pattern of intimate partner femicide in Black relationships – a pattern driven by firearm access coupled with inadequate policy enforcement.

Guns are what make intimate partner violence so deadly. About half of the roughly 1,800 annual intimate-partner femicide cases involved a gun. And in every region of the country, firearm homicide disproportionately kills Black women.

‘The partner loophole’

If the gun is what escalates the risk, it is also where policy has its best chance to intervene.

State law can explicitly restrict perpetrators of domestic violence from purchasing or possessing firearms through two types of civil protection orders: final domestic violence restraining orders and temporary restraining orders. Research demonstrates that states with strong gun restrictions along these lines have meaningfully lower rates of intimate partner homicide.

Generally speaking, though, these laws are not working as designed.

In most states, for example, only certain kinds of relationships qualify for protective orders to be issued against an abusive partner. The most common qualifying relationship is romantic partner or former partner. This characterization poses a problem called “the partner loophole.”

Federal gun-possession restrictions had a similar limitation for decades. If the relationship was a dating partnership, the prohibition against abusive partners obtaining a firearm did not apply. This came to be known as the “boyfriend loophole.”

In 2022, the bipartisan Safer Communities Act extended the gun prohibition to abusive dating partners. While the law now covers more kinds of relationships, it does not yet offer equal protection to Black women in those kinds of relationships.

Research using the National Violent Death Reporting System found that state-level enforcement of the policy was associated with reductions in intimate partner homicide among unmarried white victims, but not among victims of color.

Firearm-relinquishment laws are another weak spot I’ve identified in protecting Black women from intimate partner violence.

When a court issues a domestic violence protective order, federal law prohibits the restrained person from possessing a gun. But this prohibition does not automatically remove guns already in the person’s possession: A gun-relinquishment law must be invoked to compel them to surrender their weapons.

Some states, including California and Washington, have strong relinquishment provisions. They require judges to mandate surrender, set compliance deadlines and authorize law enforcement to recover unrelinquished weapons. These laws are associated with reductions in intimate partner homicide.

But other states give judges discretion. A 2025 review of civil protection order cases in South Carolina found that courts issued a firearm-protection order in only 32% of eligible cases in 2019. In North Carolina, a 2024 study examining state enforcement laws found that despite 93% of cases meeting the conditions for gun relinquishment, the policy was enforced in only 37% of cases.

As a result, researchers have found, firearms are discussed in fewer than 1 in 4 protective-order hearings nationwide, and courts order abusers to surrender their guns in 66% of applicable cases.

The result of unequal state policy enforcement is a prohibition that exists on paper and a gun that stays in the home.

The racial equity gap

The evidence is clear: When gun prohibition and relinquishment laws are fully enforced in abusive relationships, they can save lives.

Yet most states have gaps that limit how effective these policies are in practice. And that failure falls hardest on Black women.

Research shows that state firearm restriction laws with relinquishment provisions were associated with a 16% reduction in firearm intimate partner homicide for white victims. For Black victims, the reduction was not statistically significant.

This is especially concerning given that Black women experience the highest incidence of injury and death from intimate partner violence in the country.

The problem isn’t the laws themselves. It’s that the mechanisms of the law depend on a delivery system – courts, law enforcement, protective orders – that doesn’t work well for Black women.

After reporting domestic abuse, Black women are more likely to be incarcerated for defending themselves against their abuser, and they lose custody of their children more often once CPS becomes involved. A study examining preferences of intimate-partner violence survivors found that Black women report fear and distrust of police as a barrier to engaging with the legal system.

Because of these experiences, Black women understandably engage the criminal justice system less frequently. And laws protect only the people who can use them.

The media usually get Black femicide wrong

Another problem surrounding intimate partner homicide inflicts its harms after death.

When a woman is killed by her partner, media coverage often follows a familiar script: a name, a location, a grieving community. What it almost never includes is the word that I believe most accurately describes what happened: femicide.

Feminists in many countries, particularly in Latin America, have fought to enact femicide laws in response to pervasive violence against women. But the U.S. has no such laws and lags behind here.

Research has documented consistently that news coverage of intimate partner homicide depicts it as episodic rather than systemic, treating each killing as an isolated event rather than part of a preventable pattern.

When the victim is a Black woman, the issues compound.

Coverage of Black women’s deaths is less frequent, less sustained and less likely to generate the kind of public outrage that drives policy change. The focus in these stories, when they do run, tends to fall on the relationship or the victim’s personal history rather than on the systems that failed her.

This matters because media framing helps to determine what the public believes is fixable.

When journalists cover intimate partner homicide as a private tragedy, it becomes politically inert. When they contextualize it as the result of an unenforced gun law or a legal loophole, it becomes a policy failure – and policy failures have a policy remedy.

I believe the U.S. needs comprehensive standards for firearm restrictions in domestic violence cases, more robust enforcement and targeted efforts ensuring these protections reach all communities equitably.

For Black women, delay or failure may be the difference between life and death.

Taste of Charlotte Draws Packed Crowds Uptown, Showcases City’s Food Scene

Judaea Ingram — Fri, 12 Jun 2026 16:00:00 +0000

By Judaea Ingram

Special To The Carolinian

CHARLOTTE, N.C. – Uptown Charlotte was filled with dense, steady crowds throughout the weekend as the Taste of Charlotte Festival returned, turning Tryon Street into a packed stretch of food vendors, music, and nonstop movement.

From midday into the evening, foot traffic rarely slowed. Groups of visitors moved shoulder to shoulder through the festival footprint, weaving between long lines, live music stages, and food booths as the smell of grilled dishes, desserts, and international flavors filled the air. At peak hours, sections of Uptown felt nearly gridlocked as attendees waited for samples and searched for their next stop.

The three-day festival, known as Charlotte’s largest food festival, featured samples from local, regional, and national restaurants, alongside live entertainment and interactive activities. Admission was free, but guests purchased festival coins, either on-site or through a contactless app, to sample food, drinks, and select attractions.

That system encouraged variety, and many attendees used it to their advantage, moving from booth to booth to try small portions from as many vendors as possible.

“It is the best part of it,” one attendee, Xavier, said. “You are not stuck with just one meal. You can try a little bit of everything in the city.”

That idea defined much of the weekend experience. Visitors shared plates, compared favorites, and lined up for everything from local barbecue and fried specialties to desserts and international dishes. The variety was one of the biggest draws, with many attendees treating the festival as a walking tour of Charlotte’s food scene.

Vendors said that level of exposure is what makes the event valuable, especially for restaurants trying to reach new customers in a competitive market.

“You get nonstop traffic all day,” one vendor said. “People are always trying something new, and even a small sample can bring them back later.”

Beyond food, the festival featured three entertainment stages spread across Uptown, where live music and performances helped keep crowds circulating through the area. Families also filled kid-friendly zones, adding to the constant movement across the festival footprint.

As the weekend continued, Uptown businesses outside the festival perimeter also saw increased activity. Nearby restaurants, coffee shops, and bars reported heavier foot traffic as visitors expanded their trips beyond Tryon Street.

“It was packed everywhere,” one Uptown worker said. “Not just the festival, but the whole area felt busy the entire weekend.”

The event also highlighted Charlotte’s growing identity as both a culinary and cultural hub. As the city continues to expand, Taste of Charlotte has become one of the clearest examples of how large-scale events can reshape Uptown into a shared public space for food, entertainment, and community interaction.

By the end of each day, the festival remained crowded well into the evening, with lines still forming at popular vendors and groups lingering near stages to finish their last tastings.

For many attendees, the appeal was not just the food itself, but the experience of trying so many different flavors in one place, surrounded by thousands of other visitors doing the same.

As Xavier said, the festival delivered exactly that.

“You just keep walking and trying new things,” he said. “That is what makes it fun.”

And for a weekend in Uptown Charlotte, that steady flow of food, people, and energy defined the entire experience.

Housing Crisis Deepens as Chatham Estates Shuts Down

Jordan Meadows — Fri, 12 Jun 2026 16:00:00 +0000

By Jordan Meadows

Staff Writer

For years, residents of Chatham Estates in Cary lived with uncertainty after the property’s owner first announced plans to sell the mobile home park in 2023. What initially felt distant slowly became reality.

By Christmas Day 2025, eviction notices confirmed what many had feared: the community, home to more than 700 residents across 144 mobile homes, would be cleared to make way for redevelopment, with a firm move-out deadline of June 30, 2026. What followed was a gradual unraveling of one of Cary’s last remaining pockets of affordable housing.

Families began leaving in waves—some securing apartments, others purchasing homes for the first time, and many struggling to find affordable options in a rapidly changing housing market. By the end of April, roughly 50 families had already relocated, with that number steadily rising as the deadline approached.

The closure marked a stark turning point for a community that had quietly persisted through decades of transformation around it. When Chatham Estates was established in the late 1990s, Cary was still a relatively quiet suburb, and the property was valued at around $2 million in today’s dollars. By 2026, that same land—just minutes from downtown and across from new mixed-use “live-work-play” developments—was worth nearly $27 million. The site was ultimately sold to Toll Brothers, with plans for a luxury redevelopment expected to begin in 2027.

For residents, many of whom are Hispanic, Black, and working-class, the rising value of the land translated into a shrinking number of affordable options. The cost gap they faced was steep: median rent in Cary had climbed to about $1,800 per month, several times higher than what many paid in the mobile home park, while median monthly housing costs for homeowners with mortgages approached $2,400.

In response to the looming displacement, the Town of Cary launched the StableHomes Cary program, committing $800,000 to help residents transition. The initiative offered assistance with security deposits, first month’s rent, down payments, and moving expenses. The town partnered with NeighborUp to lead the relocation effort, a task the nonprofit described as unprecedented in scale.

Through workshops and one-on-one support, the organization worked with nearly every family in the community to develop relocation plans. By early 2026, the organization had received more than 120 applications for assistance and had already helped dozens of families move into new housing. Some were able to remain in Cary, while others relocated to nearby towns.

"We have helped folks move into new apartments and move their actual mobile homes to new locations," Hobbs said. "We've helped a number of families purchase homes for the first time, which is so exciting," said Shelley Hobbs, the group's vice president of communications.

A number of seniors secured placements in affordable housing developments such as Rose Park Manor.

Even with that support, the transition proved complex and emotionally taxing: language barriers, financial constraints, and the logistics of moving created significant challenges. Advocates, including organizers with the North Carolina Congress of Latino Organizations, said many families still needed guidance navigating aid programs and securing stable housing as the deadline drew closer.

Town officials acknowledged challenges while emphasizing the limits of their authority.

“We’re not able to stop the residents from needing to move,” one local leader said, “but we need to do whatever we can to make this transition as easy as possible,” said Cary Councilwoman Michelle Craig.

At the same time, some residents and advocates pushed for additional support, including direct appeals to the developer for more relocation assistance.

As the June 30 deadline approached, the future of the land—and the people who once lived on it—reflected two sides of the same reality. Cary’s rapid growth had made the property far more valuable than it was decades ago, attracting large-scale redevelopment. But that same growth also displaced one of the few remaining communities where working-class families could still afford to live.

Blue Ridge Loops and Budget Gaps: #SOCC26 Highlights Financial Strain of Growth With The Raleigh Chamber

Jheri Hardaway — Fri, 12 Jun 2026 12:52:00 +0000

By Jheri Hardaway

Staff Writer

Briar Creek, NC - In an honest and sobering 2026 State of the City and County address hosted by the Raleigh Chamber and the City of Raleigh over lunch, Mayor Janet Cowell and Don Mial, Chair of the Wake County Board of Commissioners, celebrated the region's unmatched prosperity while pulling back the curtain on the severe financial challenges posed by rapid growth. The central takeaway from the detailed, data-driven remarks was a "broad systemic" reality: North Carolina’s success story is increasingly self-funded at the local level. Both Cowell and Mial described a "broad systemic" environment where antiquated state property tax loopholes and issues with state supervision are forcing municipal and county leaders to make difficult choices between raising property taxes or compromising public safety and education.

Cowell reported that the city’s 23rd Comprehensive Plan is being updated to guide a quarter of a million residents expected to move to Raleigh over the coming years. This growth is being facilitated through key areas like downtown, as well as new growth centers like Briar Creek and North Hills. "Raleigh continues to be at the top of national lists," Cowell noted, highlighting that the city’s diverse core pays for essential public services. Mayor Cowell cited a dynamic economy where commercial real estate investors demand the certainty of reliable infrastructure. Despite a robust economy, Cowell revealed a decrease in property tax revenue. "The reason it went down was multifaceted," Cowell explained, citing three main supervising areas: property tax evaluation appeals, Brownfield tax credits, and specifically, the state’s Blueridge tax loopholes related to non-profit exemptions. This revenue gap occurred as the city faced critical, non-negotiable public safety requirements. To fund this first increase in personnel in a decade, the city has proposed a 1.7-cent property tax increase in the upcoming budget.

Chair Mial followed Cowell’s remarks with a starker evaluation, characterizing Wake County’s situation not just as a financial gap, but as a "broad systemic" failure of North Carolina’s state-supervised system. Mial, a lifelong military and juvenile justice servant, described a dynamic where the state has left counties "high and dry" to cover for critical state responsibilities. "We are not alone; households and enterprises across the county are tightening their belts," Mial testified, noting 66 people move to the area every single day, but core revenue is not matching the need. Mial’s most potent critique centered on non-profit property tax exemptions, which he described as a "critical point" and a "fraught systemic lack of appropriate supervising planning.” Wake County, and many other North Carolinians, are already seeing higher electricity bills driven by state legislation. He cited specific "Blue Ridge" style loopholes where for-profit entities can hold a 99.49% ownership stake in an apartment complex, yet claim a 100% tax exemption because a non-profit holds a fractional 0.51% interest. "It is a broad systemic lack... unacceptable when the sole purpose of that organization is intended for the good of families," Mial shared. He estimated that this one specific loophole is now costing the county $12.3 million per year, which could cover vital county infrastructure.

Like Cowell, Mial emphasized that Wake County is currently receiving all new property tax revenue, some $8 million for essential, non-negotiable public safety requirements. This funding will add jail operations, alongside a directive action plan, to support the fire service training academy that was temporarily funded by federal COVID dollars. Wake County currently provides over $740 million to Wake County Public Schools. Mial cited a "broad systemic lack" dynamic where, for every dollar Wake County is responsible, the county is putting in two dollars to cover for the state. Mial concluded that if the state had fulfilled its obligation, Wake County’s property tax rate could be 20 cents less, saving ordinary homeowners $1,000. Mial warned that the temporary step is not a long-term solution. Officials reported that the median home price is $483,000; the average salary is $100,000. This was a highly informative annual event powered by the Raleigh Chamber, which continues to be an essential space for transparent government updates.

Wake County Passes $2.28 Billion Budget, Raises Property Taxes

Jordan Meadows — Thu, 11 Jun 2026 21:46:00 +0000

By Jordan Meadows

Staff Writer

Wake County commissioners unanimously approved a $2.28 billion budget for fiscal year 2027, adopting a plan that increases spending while also raising property taxes for residents.

The budget includes a 2-cent property tax increase, bringing the rate to 53.71 cents per $100 of assessed value and generating an additional $62 million in revenue. For the owner of a $450,000 home (around the county's median value) that translates to about $90 more annually, not including any additional increases by municipalities.

Combined with an average of nearly 5% in fee increases for solid waste, water and sewer, and stormwater services, a Raleigh resident could see a total increase of $122 to annual bills from the city. With Wake County's tax rate increase layered on top, the combined hit to the median homeowner amounts to roughly $144, bringing combined bills up to nearly $3,600.

The new budget, which takes effect July 1, represents roughly a 5.4% increase over the previous year's spending plan. County officials pointed to multiple factors driving the increase, including a roughly $35 million revenue shortfall tied to a growing number of property tax appeals and the so-called Blue Ridge property tax loophole. The county, like the city of Raleigh, relies on property tax revenue to consistently grow.

Thousands of property owners have appealed higher assessed home values that came out in 2024, and as of April, many of those cases remain unresolved, placing another $125 million of Raleigh's tax base in limbo.

Nevertheless, Mayor Janet Cowell said revenues are down by about $2 million this year.

Leaders cited broader economic pressures stemming from federal decisions, including tariffs on foreign goods and global instability such as the conflict in Iran, which they say have driven up costs locally. Officials emphasized that if the county were not stepping in to fund core services like education, social services, and public safety at current levels, the property tax rate could be closer to 30 cents.

Public safety investments extend to the city level as well. Raleigh's budget adds 23 new police officer positions at around $3.8 million, three fire marshals, 12 firefighter positions, and additional funding for a second fire academy—bringing the fire department's budget increase to $3.31 million. Six new 911-call operators will be added for nearly $500,000. The city is also spending $2 million on cleaning and maintaining parking garages while keeping the two-hour free parking program running at five garages, and over $600,300 for six new building safety positions involved in permitting and inspection.

"We committed the $8 million in new revenue available in FY2027 to important public safety needs such as reopening the jail annex and adding new EMTs to meet the demands of growth," Board Chair Don Mial said. "Tax increases are the last thing that we want to do.”

To offset rising costs without further burdening taxpayers, the city made targeted cuts. Forty-five currently vacant positions (all outside public safety) were eliminated, saving $3.5 million. Another 26 positions will be held vacant at the start of fiscal year 2027, saving $1 million.

Retirement medical benefits for new employees were also restructured, requiring five additional years of service for qualification and saving around $1.5 million. The City Council approved the budget without changes from the original proposal put forward by City Manager Marchell Adams-David. Additional funds were also allocated to fully implement minimum pay increases introduced in September 2025 with total pay increases ranging between 11% and 14% across the proposed and prior-year budgets.

A significant portion of the county budget is dedicated to education, which remains the county's largest expense. The plan allocates $823 million for education operating costs, with about 65% of that compensating for insufficient state funding, according to county leaders. That includes $25.3 million to fully fund the Wake County Public School System's request, in addition to the $743 million provided the previous year for facilities and operations. Wake Technical Community College will receive an additional $1.8 million to support maintenance, staffing, and rising utility costs, on top of $42 million allocated the year prior. Wake County Smart Start is set to receive $2 million to expand early childhood education by adding 50 new seats for 3-year-olds and continuing pre-K access for eligible 4-year-olds.

Education funding pressures are compounded by a looming gap in teacher pay. While the state will cover raises for state-funded employees, it will not do so for federally and locally funded staff. The school board's proposed budget accounts for roughly a 3% raise for all state-funded staff at an estimated cost of $8 million. But matching any state raises for employees outside that category would require the county to fund the difference itself, a cost that the school board's current proposal does not account for, potentially leaving millions of dollars unfunded.

Commissioners also made a late addition to the budget to preserve two food security programs at risk of disappearing with the expiration of federal pandemic relief funding under the American Rescue Plan Act. The board approved $110,000 to continue the "Double Bucks" program at nine farmers markets across the county, which allows SNAP/EBT users to double their spending power on fresh, locally grown food, and the "Farm to Early Childhood Education" initiative, which delivers boxes of produce, eggs, jams, and honey from local farms to 15 family childcare homes and four childcare centers serving low-income families.

The tax increase drew concern from some residents during public comment in the budget process, particularly as housing costs continue to climb across Wake County. Still, commissioners ultimately framed the budget as a necessary response to growth, rising costs, and structural funding challenges facing one of the fastest-growing regions in the nation.

Fela’s Legendary ‘Zombie’ Album Fifty Years Later

The Carolinian — Thu, 11 Jun 2026 17:19:00 +0000

LAGOS, Nigeria (AP) — When in 1976 teenager Yunusa Yau and his friends grew tired of Nigerian soldiers’ high-handedness in their school, they turned to a satirical song — “Zombie,” by Fela Kuti, the title track of his album released that year.

By then, the military had been in power for a decade, following a coup. A brutal civil war killed at least three million people, rocking the fledgling democracy of the resource-rich nation after independence from Britain in 1960.

The military ruler, Olusegun Obasanjo, had sent soldiers to high schools across the country to enforce discipline, a measure of how successive juntas ruled the country. Fela was constantly sparring with the authorities, through open-air sessions of searing commentary at his clubhouse, subversive lyrics and confrontation with officers.

But with the release of “Zombie,” the gloves were off.

“Zombie no go turn, unless you tell ’em to turn (Zombie) / Zombie no go think, unless you tell ’em to think,” he sang over his signature polyrhythmic composition, mimicking a martial parade with commands to march, salute and fire.

The stage was set for a showdown between him and the junta.

Fela chronicled life under Nigerian military rule

“In a way, we saw him as a symbol of our own nascent attempt to protect our limited horizon of freedom,” Yau, now 66 and an Abuja-based political activist, told The Associated Press.

Yau said the song’s lyrics became a protest not only against soldiers but against teachers whom the students did not love in their school in the northwestern part of Nigeria.

Born in 1938, under colonial rule, Fela is arguably one of Nigeria’s greatest artists. His musical career spanned more than four decades, from the late 1950s to the 1990s. Fela, who died in 1997, was posthumously honored with a Lifetime Achievement Award at the Grammy Awards in February.

Afrobeat was the brainchild of Fela and the legendary drummer Tony Allen. It was an instrument-driven genre that blended West African traditional rhythms with Black American sounds such as jazz and funk.

As much as he was an artist, Fela was the ultimate chronicler of life under Nigeria’s military leadership. From 1966 onward, one coup followed another, with only brief intervals of civilian rule, until the return to democracy in 1999.

“Zombie” was originally released as a two-track album with a duration of 25 minutes and 24 seconds. Music critics say it stands out as the most distinctive among Fela’s political releases. The other track, “Mister Follow Follow,” is another song about blind obedience to authority and the status quo.

“It was his definitive album. It was one of his boldest moments on record,” Lemi Ghariokwu, a long-term Fela collaborator who designed the album cover, told the AP. “He was very much vexed by the actions of the military government. When he was composing the song, we asked him if it was going to be a direct attack song, and he said yes.”

Now a fixture of global popular culture, the zombie comes originally from West and Central African mythology, a figure helplessly inhabited by the spirits of the dead and under their influence. In 1982, Michael Jackson drew on zombie imagery for the choreography of his video for “Thriller.”

Broken promises of prosperity from oil riches

When Nigeria gained independence in 1960, expectations were high, especially since the discovery of some of the world’s biggest oil deposits, mainly in the Niger Delta. For most people, though, the oil boom did little to improve their economic prospects.

The military rulers who seized power in 1966 would use that failure as a pretext to maintain their hold on power, accusing the civilian government of corruption and squandering the nation’s wealth.

Fifty years later, little has changed, analysts say. The military looms large in Nigerian public life. Six people, including soldiers and police officers, are currently charged with an attempt to overthrow President Bola Tinubu’s government.

Even after military rule had ended, it left a legacy of an overly powerful political class and a lack of development, which Fela railed against.

According to the Nigeria Bureau of Statistics, 63% of Nigerians now live in what is called multidimensional poverty — not only cash-poor but lacking access to basic amenities, with a high youth unemployment rate. The nation currently faces a complex security crisis from Islamic militant and criminal groups that carry out widespread killings and kidnappings.

“Fela was actually ahead of his time, because he seemed to have foreseen the kind of rot and decay that the military class would leave Nigeria in,” music critic Dami Ajayi said. “Fela was already saying to everyone that these guys who are here are going to ruin your country; you cannot allow a zombie to be in charge of everything around you.”

Fela’s achievement remains unmatched

The release of “Zombie” brought swift and brutal consequences for Fela. The military government sent 1,000 soldiers to his residence, a compound that he had declared independent from Nigeria and not subject to the country’s laws, and burned it down.

His mother, Funmi Ransome-Kuti, a prominent activist, sustained injuries in the raid that led to her death, and the artist himself was also badly hurt.

“Zombie” was banned from the airwaves, and there were reports of arrests for people who defied the junta by playing it in public, at parties or clubs or on a speaker.

Other Nigerian artists have attempted to criticize the government’s excesses, in genres including reggae, fuji and pop, but critics say none of them have provoked the same level of confrontation. Fela’s gripes are still present, but Nigeria’s storied musical tradition leaves little room for protest to reach mainstream and commercial success.

Fifty years on, the impact of “Zombie” is hard to overstate.

“The consequences of that record are well-documented, and I don’t think anybody is that brave to critically criticize the government like that,” Ayomide Tayo, a Nigerian music and pop culture critic, said. “The epic scale at which Fela did it has not been replicated.”

North Carolina Construction Booms As Construction Worker Deaths Climb

Jordan Meadows — Thu, 11 Jun 2026 16:04:00 +0000

By Jordan Meadows

Staff Writer

North Carolina’s construction boom is reshaping the state’s economy. But behind the surge in billion-dollar projects and record growth, a more troubling trend is emerging: construction workers are dying at increasing rates.

According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 196 workers died on the job in North Carolina in 2024, a 10.7% increase from the previous year. The construction industry remains the most dangerous sector in the state, accounting for a disproportionate share of those deaths year after year.

In 2022 alone, construction-related fatalities made up roughly 21% of all workplace deaths in North Carolina, with falls, electrocutions, and workers being struck by equipment among the leading causes.

The demand for construction is reaching historic highs. In 2024, North Carolina recorded $16.1 billion in economic development investments across 166 projects, including massive commitments from pharmaceutical, technology, and manufacturing companies. From a $10 billion data center campus tied to artificial intelligence infrastructure to multi-billion-dollar biomanufacturing facilities, the scale and complexity of projects underway require highly specialized labor and accelerated timelines.

That pace is contributing to strain across the industry. More than 40% of contractors report significant backlogs and difficulty filling open positions, according to industry surveys. Labor shortages, combined with pressure to meet aggressive construction schedules, can create conditions where safety protocols are overlooked or inconsistently enforced.

Highway construction zones, where crews often work just feet from active traffic, have become increasingly hazardous.

A recent survey by the Associated General Contractors of America found that 36% of North Carolina contractors reported experiencing five or more crashes involving moving vehicles in work zones over the past year. Another 20% reported at least one crash. Many contractors say distracted driving, speeding, and impaired driving are major contributors to the growing risks.

“Summer construction season means more crews working just feet away from active traffic,” said Jeffrey Shoaf, chief executive officer of the association. “Drivers who speed or use their phones put both motorists and roadway workers at serious risk.”

North Carolina added approximately 94,000 housing units in the past year—one of the largest increases in the country—as population growth drives demand for new development. Wake and Mecklenburg counties alone accounted for tens of thousands of those new units, placing even more strain on an already stretched construction workforce. At the same time, the nature of construction itself is changing. Today’s projects are more complex than those of previous decades, often involving advanced manufacturing facilities, data centers with massive energy demands, and highly regulated pharmaceutical plants that require precision building standards.

Despite the growing risks, enforcement and oversight remain ongoing concerns. Advocates have called for stronger penalties and increased staffing for workplace safety inspections, noting that North Carolina has historically issued fewer “willful” violations—cases where employers knowingly disregard safety rules—than the national average. State officials say more resources are needed to expand inspection capacity and improve compliance.

For workers and their families, the consequences of these gaps can be devastating. Construction jobs often provide stable, well-paying employment, particularly for workers without advanced degrees. But they also come with risks that, for some, prove fatal.

The Squabbles Over Early Voting Sites Are Déjà Vu For Several North Carolina Counties

The Carolinian — Thu, 11 Jun 2026 14:40:00 +0000

CAROLINA PUBLIC PRESS - When history repeats itself, it’s usually not so quickly. During the lead up to the primary election, students at Western Carolina University, North Carolina Agricultural and Technical State University and University of North Carolina-Greensboro raised alarms about the exclusion of campus early voting sites from county plans.

At WCU, it was a break from longstanding tradition. NC A&T and UNCG hadn’t hosted midterm primary early voting sites before, but their campuses had been used for presidential primary and general elections.

The College Democrats of North Carolina and several students sued, arguing that removing or rejecting campus early voting sites discriminated against younger voters by enacting high barriers to the right to vote.

While US District Court Judge William Osteen dismissed the case just days before early voting began in February, he may experience a bit of déjà vu this fall.

By July 24, all county election boards must submit their early voting plans to the State Board of Elections, including the number of voting sites, their locations and hours. If county board members all agree, then their plan is good to go. But if just one member objects, the plan goes to the state to make the final decision sometime in August.

The State Board can choose the majority plan, minority plan or a plan of their own invention. Depending on their decision, they may find themselves in another courtroom this fall.

Jackson County voting sites

While North Carolina students lost their court case in February, they hoped it would put pressure on county election boards to make a different decision in the general election.

The strategy worked, sort of, Western Carolina University political science professor Chris Cooper said.

In Jackson County’s primary election, the three Republican board members voted against the WCU central campus site in favor of the Cullowhee Recreation Center. But this time around, the decision on voting sites wasn’t along party lines.

Republican member Wes Hanemayer resigned before the vote in protest, and Republican Jay Pavey voted with the board’s two Democrats in favor of the new WCU campus site, at the Health and Human Services building. Republican chair Bill Thompson was the lone holdout. Even though the majority shifted, it was not a unanimous decision, so the State Board will still have the final say.

The discussion touched on parking and accessibility considerations. The proposed voting site is on the upper level of a multi-level building, so getting there could be confusing and difficult for some, Thompson said.

Board Democrat Roy Osborn countered that a memorandum of understanding between WCU and the board resolved all the issues. The MOU, obtained by Carolina Public Press, would require the university to provide 20 designated voter parking spaces on the same level of the proposed voting enclosure, prominent parking lot signage and an electronic highway sign directing voter traffic and enough space for political parties to display campaign materials and voter info outside the buffer zone, all for free.

On the other hand, students without vehicles would have a difficult time walking the two miles to the community recreation center, board Democrat Betsy Smith said. The university shuttle has regular stops at the HHS building, but not the recreation center. During the primary, WCU switched its shuttle schedule to run to the recreation center twice an hour, according to university spokesperson Julia Duvall.

“We will continue to monitor the situation and develop appropriate transportation options for students once the decision has been finalized,” she said.

The recreation center also has a smaller voting enclosure and no designated voter parking, Pavey said.

Pavey and Thompson were not coy about the pressure campaign surrounding the vote.

“I know that I’m bucking my party by this, and I may very well be a one-term person on the board of elections, but if that’s it, that’s fine,” Pavey said before voting. “I will stand on this hill, and I will die on this hill from my perspective of integrity, and I just believe that this is the place that we should have it, and I’m not going to let people tell me and threaten me about what they may or may not do as far as my tenure on this board.”

Pavey and Thompson referred to pressure from “Raleigh,” which Thompson later said was from people at both the State Board of Elections and the auditor’s office.

“I’ve kind of given them my word,” Thompson said.

State Board spokesperson Jason Tyson said nobody on the State Board or its staff discussed the voting sites decision with anyone in Jackson County, and that the board members mistakenly thought the person they spoke to was a State Board employee.

Thompson and Pavey did not respond to requests for comment. Hanemeyer could not be reached.

Auditor’s office spokesperson Randy Brechbiel said their office has regular communication with local board chairs.

“There has been concern expressed over the elimination of the rec center site, which has been used for nearly 20 years, and has been one of the most utilized sites in the county,” Brechbiel said in a statement. “Ultimately, these decisions are made by local boards and the State Board.”

The auditor appoints State Board members and county election board chairs, after a 2024 law change, but his role is limited, mostly to budgetary oversight. The State Board and county boards are otherwise independent. But since the transition, some see the auditor’s office as blurring the lines between oversight and control.

Pavey said he and Hanemeyer were asked to justify their votes to the Republican Party executive committee, but their arguments fell on deaf ears.

“We presented them evidence, we presented them numbers, we presented them everything, and all I heard was, ‘Well, we just don’t want it on campus,’” Pavey said.

Thompson said the party had concerns about “neutrality,” but he didn’t see it as a “real problem” in Jackson County. Cooper’s research found that the majority of WCU voters are registered unaffiliated, and that since 2016, when the site was added, the county overall has moved to the right.

“Now they didn’t do better because of the new site, but I think we can say with certainty that the new site did not cause the county to become more liberal,” Cooper said.

The pressure wasn’t one-sided, Thompson said. The plaintiffs in the primary court case were represented by Elias Law Firm, established by Marc Elias, a well-known Democratic Party attorney.

“There’s a big push to have it on campus whenever you get sued by one of the largest Democrat lawyers in the country, Marc Elias,” Thompson said. “There’s big money behind this. There’s major powers behind this. I don’t like being where I’m sitting.”

If the State Board wants to avoid another lawsuit, their best bet is to approve the plan Jackson used from 2016 to 2020, which included two Cullowhee sites — at both WCU and the recreation center, Cooper said.

Guilford County voting

The Guilford County Board of Elections will vote on its early voting plan in the coming weeks, and it’s expected to be a repeat, too, Democratic board member Carolyn Bunker said. She anticipates the Republican majority will opt for its 2022 midterm election plan, which did not include any campus voting sites. If so, she plans to vote against that and present a plan with NC A&T and UNCG sites.

The county, and Greensboro and High Point in particular, are growing, Bunker said. Students have shown greater engagement, and she wants them to have every opportunity to build a voting habit.

Neither university has hosted early voting during non-presidential years.

“(The Republican majority’s) argument is that we don’t usually have these sites during midterms, but 10 years ago, 20 years ago, we didn’t have a lot of these sites, and we’ve added to them as they’ve been needed and asked for,” Bunker said.

During court proceedings, Judge Osteen noted the lack of precedent as a mark against the students’ argument for early voting sites. He was not convinced that students’ right to vote was violated by the exclusion of a campus site if they never had one to begin with. However, the judge said he might feel differently if it were a presidential election.

Between their personal funds, nonprofit partnerships and community donations, Shia Rozier and Terrence Olu Rouse spent upwards of $10,000 to bus NC A&T voters to the polls in February. While juggling their responsibilities as students themselves, the pair launched Protect Ours, a movement to provide transportation when the election boards and the court declined to provide a campus early voting site.

Rozier said the bus cost about $1,500 a day to run back and forth from campus to the Ag Center from noon to 7 p.m.

“We were lucky enough that the community support really helped carry A&T through the entire early voting period, but it was quite an enormous financial lift from the fundraisers and to nonprofit partnerships that we have,” Rozier said.

Ever since January, NC A&T students have been at every Guilford County election board meeting. Rozier and Rouse have attempted to get a private meeting with the Republican board members on multiple occasions to pitch their case for the general election, without success.

The next meeting will be the second with public comment this year, which is progress, Rozier said. But it’s still hard to have hope that this cycle will be any different, she said.

“It’s very unfortunate that we keep having to go to these lengths of being seen as their adversaries rather than their constituents, and keep having to meet in these protests and things like that, instead of being able to actually have civil dialogue,” Rozier said.

Republican board chair Eugene Lester did not respond to a request for comment about the voting sites.

During his testimony to the State Board in January, Lester said he didn’t agree that transportation is an issue for students.

“We’re certainly not going to look at one group and say … that group is more important than any other group,” he said. “Every citizen ought to have a right to vote. They have that opportunity to take advantage of it.”

If there are no campus early voting sites, Rozier said their first step would be to talk to their nonprofit partners and see what they can do to help with transportation before they ask individuals to donate again. It’s all still up in the air, though.

Voting sites in Wake County

In Wake County, county election board monitors are worried that the usual North Carolina State University early voting site at the centrally located Talley Student Center could be abandoned for another, less-accessible site on the outskirts of campus.

Wake County Democrat Gerry Cohen said no decisions have been made, but there’s been discussion about the voting sites.

While the student center has about 77 parking spaces, compared to the alternate Business Services Center site, which has more than 100, the student center’s voter enclosure is double the size and more accessible to students living on campus, Cohen said.

The last time the business services center was used as a site was in 2016, and Cohen remembers “very, very long lines.”

He thinks the parking debate is irrelevant for campus early voting sites. Most students either already have their car parked elsewhere on campus or don’t have transportation.

“If you don’t want to park on campus, there are 17 other places you could drive to,” he said. “No one is forcing anybody to drive on campus.”

The Wake County elections board will vote on their early voting plan June 12.

In a recent Columbus County election board meeting, Republican board chair Jillian McPherson-Edge suggested eliminating four out of the county’s five typical early voting sites.

McPherson-Edge said that decision would be the best use of taxpayer dollars. It costs about $4,500 for each early voting site, she said. County commissioners’ budget allows for five sites.

“What we can see is that the cost for early voting is continuing to rise, and I think we can tell that the voter participation is becoming clear: we don’t have the voter participation in this county that warrants five sites for early voting,” she said.

Instead of spreading election staff across five sites, they could consolidate resources and personnel to be more efficient.

Democratic member Jeffery Register questioned the plan. He said it wouldn’t be adequate for people with transportation issues or disabilities.

As one of the largest counties in area in North Carolina, it’s particularly troublesome to have just one early voting site in Columbus County, said Hilary Klein, Southern Coalition for Social Justice senior voting rights counsel, in a letter to the county board.

Voters will expect options: especially the majority of early voters who used sites other than the county elections board office in 2022 and 2024, she added.

Would a new lawsuit fare better?

The original lawsuit over voting sites failed for several reasons.

First, it was too close to the start of early voting to change anything, Judge Osteen ruled. This cycle could be different. The State Board will make final early voting decisions in August, and early voting begins October 15. That could be enough of a runway for a judge to make a different determination.

Osteen was also concerned about ordering a college to open an early voting site without knowing whether the space was still available. To counter this issue, WCU drafted a MOU with the county board declaring its intention to have the HHS building space available for all elections for the next decade.

WCU would likely have a better shot of success than UNCG or NC A&T, based on the ruling. Without a history of midterm early voting sites, Osteen seemed skeptical that there were any voting rights to violate.

Finally, Osteen determined that the county and state election boards’ interests in being efficient and managing costs and logistical burdens outweighed any burden on students’ voting rights. For any lawsuit to succeed, the math or the judge’s mind would have to change.

Legislative Update: The Dominique Moody Act and the Parallels with State Government Inefficiency

Jheri Hardaway — Thu, 11 Jun 2026 12:36:00 +0000

By Jheri Hardaway

Staff Writer

NC General Assembly - On Tuesday in an emotionally raw and highly technical committee session, the North Carolina House Judiciary Committee advanced a Proposed Committee Substitute (PCS) for House Bill 1144, also known as the Dominique Moody Safety Act. The updated bill, primary sponsored by Representatives Carla Cunningham (U-Mecklenburg), Allen Chesser (R-Nash), Mike Colvin (D-Cumberland), and Mike Schietzel (R-Wake), shifts from a broad outline to an enforceable, data-driven mandate aimed at removing legal immunity from bad actors and giving state supervisors the teeth to intervene in failing county systems.

The sweeping legislative update arrives on the heels of explosive legislative oversight hearings last Thursday that revealed devastating lapses by child protective services and local law enforcement in the lead-up to the horrific death of six-year-old Dominique Moody. The eight-and-a-half-hour hearing examined the tragic Dominique Moody case. Dominique was a six-year-old child who endured torture for the duration lifetime, ultimately weighing only 27 pounds at the time of her death. Throughout the hearing, discussions centered on systemic oversight and under-reporting. DHHS described the findings from a targeted investigation and a broader case file review as a "broad systemic lack of appropriate safety planning" that put children at unacceptable risk. There was a morning full of conversation around all the factors that went into the systemic failure that led to this child's death, the structural rot of the system: oversight failure, heavy caseloads, low wages. There was conversation about technology interventions to assist with oversight. One suggestion was to purchase a $73,000 software to improve upon the NC FAST system, but as someone who has worked with underserved youth I can say, all the oversight and tech in the world cannot beat a well-paid and supported worker doing an emotionally demanding and impactful job.

The testimony revealed that the failures in Mecklenburg County are occurring against a backdrop of broader systemic challenges plaguing North Carolina’s county-administered, state-supervised child welfare system. Yet this is not just a Mecklenburg County issue. The sad reality is that we see similar potentially fatal failures reflected in our current government at the county and state levels. The ongoing lack of a budget stands as a primary example of government inefficiency in North Carolina, which many are calling the most significant in our state's history. We are now witnessing the tangible impacts of this budgetary vacuum: occupational health providers are struggling to keep their staff, businesses are delaying opening to the area due to a lack of planned infrastructure held up by the missing budget, and state employee compensation remains stagnant.

This is a frustrating parallel to the state and local leadership failures Dominique Moody faced; both the Department of Health and Human Services and law enforcement were present, yet ultimately ineffective. Over 58 calls to 911, yet no protective action for the child; During the 2025–2026 session of the North Carolina General Assembly, roughly 1,150 House bills and 1,100 Senate bills have been filed yet no state budget. Similarly, we have a state legislature led by a party that has proven to be uncollaborative internally. The inability to advance key legislation unless it serves a partisan agenda, rather than the collective good is telling. Private school vouchers and systemic neglect have led North Carolina to lose strong teachers, social workers, and other critical professionals, which in the coming years will leave us in a serious bind. These are dark times for both America and North Carolina, and the irony of these failures occurring during our 250th anniversary is not lost on this author. Dominique Moody deserved better and so do the people of North Carolina.

Upon leaving the Tuesday, June 9th House Judiciary Two hearing, I overheard a prominent Republican Senator from a top tourism county say to his colleagues in the open hallway, “The prisons are open and we’ve got to fill them up.” This brought my mind back to Dominique Moody bound in her cage leading me to wrestle with the thought that leaders of the party controlling our state legislature want to see the people locked in cages for their personal profits as well.

Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth Removes All Women & Some Black Service Members From Navy Promotion List

The Carolinian — Wed, 10 Jun 2026 19:34:00 +0000

Screenshot

Richard Luscombe, Joseph Gedeon and Aram Roston

The Guardian

The US defense secretary, Pete Hegseth, stripped nine navy officers including women and Black service members from a promotion list last month, according to a person familiar with the matter, resulting in an all-male, overwhelmingly white slate of 22 advancing as nominees to become one-star admirals.

Hegseth’s unusual intervention violated promotion rules designed to be merit-based and apolitical, the New York Times said on Tuesday, and extended the Trump administration’s push to eliminate diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) in the military.

The original promotion list included three women and two Black officers in addition to the two who remained, the newspaper said.

A navy source said that officials in the service had been “very confident” with those on the promotion list, including the officers whom Hegseth removed. He said Hegseth did not explain to the navy why he removed the officers from the list.

One government source familiar with matter said Hegseth had “his favorite MOS’s [military occupational specialities], and then gender and race. He went through the list and scrubbed a few names. It was felt loud and clear.”

The Pentagon disputed that Hegseth blocked promotions based on race or gender. “As we’ve said before, military promotions are given to those who have earned them. The department will never consider the color of a service member’s skin or their gender as a factor in promotions,” said Sean Parnell, the chief Pentagon spokesperson. “Under President Trump and Secretary Hegseth, meritocracy reigns supreme at the war department.”

The move has direct parallels with Hegseth’s reported interposition in a similar army promotion list in March, in which he is said to have directed the army secretary, Dan Driscoll, to remove two women and two Black officers from a nomination slate to become one-star generals.

Hegseth has previously railed against diversity and so-called “woke” in the armed services.

“For too long, we’ve promoted too many uniform leaders for the wrong reasons – based on their race, based on gender quotas, based on historic so-called firsts,” he told a keynote meeting of military commanders in Virginia in September. “The sooner we have the right people, the sooner we can advance the right policies.”

Hegseth’s involvement in the promotions list is unusual, according to a former military official. “It’s supposed to be an up-and-down vote from the defense secretary. He continuing to meddle on an individual basis,” he said. “He’s stripping autonomy from the service secretaries.”

One name still on the latest navy list published on 22 May is Capt Sean Barbabella, Donald Trump’s White House physician, who last week declared the almost 80-year-old president to be in “excellent health”, despite photographs showing him at times with swollen ankles, bruised hands and a blotchy neck.

Hegseth stepped in to overrule a board of navy admirals that had drawn up the list, the Times said, also removing four white officers. The outlet noted that the list as published, which must be confirmed by the US Senate, bears little relation to the makeup of the force the nominees will lead.

The report cites a 2024 government profile of the navy’s active-service composition, which revealed that more than 21% are women, and that almost 40% identify with racial minority groups.

The Guardian reported in March that Hegseth, who styles himself the “secretary of war”, acted soon after his confirmation as defense secretary last year to block promotions or redeploy senior military officers, 60% of them women or Black.

He reassigned V Adm Yvette Davids, the first woman to lead the US naval academy, and dismissed another navy vice-admiral, Shoshana Chatfield, as the US military representative to the Nato military committee.

Hegseth also dismissed Adm Lisa Franchetti as chief of naval operations.

Coast guard commandant Linda Fagan, who served for 37 years and was the longest-serving active duty marine safety officer, was dismissed on 20 January 2025, the first day of Trump’s second term of office, four days before Hegseth’s narrow Senate confirmation.

Overall, the Times said, Hegseth has fired or sidelined nearly three dozen senior military officers.

The actions extend the Trump administration’s efforts to reshape the US military, which have included attempts to ban women from combat roles and blocking transgender troops from serving.

A federal appeals court in Washington DC on Monday delivered a setback to the anti-diversity push by ruling that the government acted illegally by moving to dismiss transgender service members. That case is expected to reach the supreme court.

Juneteenth Celebrations Across North Carolina Continue To Grow Larger

Judaea Ingram — Wed, 10 Jun 2026 17:53:00 +0000

By Judaea Ingram

Special to the Carolinian

As communities across North Carolina prepare for Juneteenth celebrations later this month, organizers are expecting another year of large crowds, educational programming, and cultural events that honor both history and progress.

Juneteenth, observed annually on June 19, commemorates the day in 1865 when enslaved African Americans in Galveston, Texas learned they were free. Although President Abraham Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation in 1863, news of emancipation did not immediately reach all enslaved people. More than two years later, Union soldiers arrived in Texas to enforce the order, marking a moment that would later become known as Juneteenth.

Today, Juneteenth serves as a celebration of freedom, resilience, and the enduring contributions of African Americans. Across North Carolina, communities have embraced the holiday through festivals, concerts, educational events, vendor markets, and family-friendly activities.

In recent years, Juneteenth has experienced significant growth nationwide. Since becoming a federal holiday in 2021, awareness of its historical significance has increased, encouraging more communities to organize events that celebrate Black history and culture.

Throughout North Carolina, cities large and small are preparing for celebrations. Raleigh, Durham, Charlotte, Fayetteville, Greensboro, and Winston-Salem are among the communities expected to host events featuring live entertainment, local vendors, food trucks, health resources, and educational exhibits.

For many attendees, Juneteenth offers an opportunity to learn about a chapter of American history that was not always widely taught in schools.

"History helps us understand where we have been and where we are going," said one community organizer during a previous Juneteenth celebration. "Juneteenth gives people an opportunity to come together, learn, and celebrate."

Beyond its historical significance, Juneteenth has also become an important platform for Black-owned businesses. Vendor markets have become a staple of many celebrations, allowing entrepreneurs to showcase products ranging from clothing and artwork to books and specialty foods.

Small business owners often view Juneteenth festivals as opportunities to connect directly with customers while highlighting the importance of economic empowerment within the community.

Many celebrations also feature local artists, musicians, dancers, and spoken word performers. These cultural showcases provide opportunities for creatives to share their talents while educating audiences about African American traditions and experiences.

For young people, Juneteenth can serve as both an educational and inspirational experience. Community leaders often use the holiday to encourage youth engagement, leadership development, and civic participation.

Many festivals include activities specifically designed for children and teenagers. Interactive exhibits, storytelling sessions, youth performances, and educational workshops help younger generations connect with history in meaningful ways.

Educators say these experiences can help students better understand the struggles and achievements that shaped the nation.

North Carolina has a rich African American history that extends far beyond Juneteenth. The state is home to several historically Black colleges and universities, including North Carolina A&T State University, Shaw University, Fayetteville State University, Winston-Salem State University, and North Carolina Central University.

These institutions have played a vital role in expanding educational opportunities and producing leaders in business, government, education, sports, and the arts.

Juneteenth celebrations often highlight these contributions while encouraging attendees to explore local history. Museums, cultural centers, and community organizations frequently partner with event organizers to provide educational resources and exhibits.

Many residents say one of the most meaningful aspects of Juneteenth is the sense of community it creates.

For many North Carolinians, the holiday has become more than a date on the calendar. It has become a celebration of culture, community, and the ongoing pursuit of equality and opportunity for all.

The ‘Black Church’ responds to acquittal of store owner in shooting death of Black teen

The Carolinian — Wed, 10 Jun 2026 16:26:33 +0000

The mother of 14-year-old Cyrus Carmike-Belton stands with her attorney Todd Rutherford, National Action Network, NAACP and Richland County pastors opposed to the not guilty verdict.

South Carolina Public Radio | By Rochelle Dean

National and local civil rights activists and preachers speak out on the not guilty verdict for Rick Chow. The Richland County store owner was acquitted Monday in the 2023 shooting death of a 14-year-old boy.

The lawn of the New Laurel United Methodist Church in Richland County was covered with social justice and community advocates Wednesday morning. All of them saying they are outraged over the acquittal of Rick Chow.

In the summer of 2023, Chow, a convenience store owner shot and killed 14-year-old Cyrus Carmack-Belton in the back as he ran from the store. Chow claimed the teen was trying to steal a bottle of water from his Parklane Road business. The Richland County Sheriff's Department reported that Chow and his son chased Belton from the store and continued going after him for 130 yards before he was shot.

Reverend Nelson Rivers from the National Action Network said while they respect the rule of law and the jury's process, he refused to be silent over his disappointment in a not guilty verdict.

"At the heart of this case is one fact that can not be ignored," said Reverend Rivers. "If the places were reversed, if the shooter and his son were black and the teen white, would the outcome have been the same?"

(Image: Rochelle Dean) The National Action Network comes to South Carolina to address their disappointment over a not guilty verdict in the shooting death of a black teenager.

During the thirty-minute news conference members of the community gathered on the lawn of the Fairfield Road church. Amid the speakers were signs reading "It's About Us" and "I Am Human."

Those in attendance voiced that Belton was seen as a threat and shot to death because of the color of his skin. According to Pastor Rivers the not guilty verdict was a gross miscarriage of justice.

"Even if we have the worst intentions, we are still worth more than a few bottles of water because we have the image of God. Even at our worst, we are still worth something, we are still valuable, and a bullet in our back should not end our life."

(Image: Rochelle Dean) Civil Rights advocates hold signs during news conference

Family attorney Todd Rutherford says in his 30 years of working in the criminal justice system he has never seen anything like it. He challenged people to change their thinking by reversing the racial roles. Rutherford doubled down saying the "jury got it wrong".

"While we have to respect what the jury said because we don't have a choice, the jury was wrong," said Rutherford. "This is a simple case of someone armed as they ran with their adult son, as they chased a 14-year-old child a football field's length and shot him in the back. This is what the family saw, what the community saw and what the world now sees. This was a murder that has gone on without being able to hold someone accountable."

Rutherford says the answer is more education.

"Until our society, and our community believe that Black lives matter, that they matter as much as the general society, we will continue to have these problems."

(Image: Rochelle Dean) Mother of slain teen, Cyrus Carmike - Belton cries during news conference about the acquittal of son's killer, convenience store owner Rich Chow.

Rutherford made it clear that the fight to hold someone accountable is not over. According to Rutherford, a civil lawsuit had to be put on hold while the criminal case proceeded. Now that it has come to an end, Rutherford says they have officially filed a civil lawsuit against Chow.

Just hours after Wednesday morning's news conference, the memorial for Belton — that had to be taken down during the trial — was re-erected during a memorial held in Columbia. A separate group plans to protest the verdict Saturday June 6, at the South Carolina State House.

A Legacy of Leadership: Celebrating Stephfon Walton’s Historic IBM Career

Jheri Hardaway — Wed, 10 Jun 2026 14:40:00 +0000

By Jheri Hardaway

Staff Writer

Cary, NC - An inspiring chapter of an impactful story has closed in Research Triangle Park. Stephfon Walton formally retired from IBM after an extraordinary journey spanning over 41 years. For more than four decades, Stephfon has been a foundational pillar of our local tech landscape, anchoring massive global operations and mentoring countless professionals along the way. His story is the definition of a dream realized. Leaving Southwest Louisiana as a young man, Stephfon graduated from Southern University in 1984. He shared how profound it was to welcome his mother to North Carolina so she could tour the very manufacturing facilities her son was helping to lead as an engineering manager. This was a beautiful and impactful moment of pride that fueled his lifelong passion for excellence.

Throughout his legendary tenure at IBM, Stephfon led a multi-billion-dollar business impact from RTP to Taipei. From managing flagship modular server portfolios that drove hundreds of millions in revenue to directing high-performance computing initiatives that shaped the market, his technical and business acumen was unmatched. Stephfon always puts people and partnership first.

Stephfon is looking at retirement not as a goodbye, but as a beautiful continuation of his purpose. This next chapter is all about giving back and celebrating family. He is stepping right into deep civic engagement through his continued volunteer leadership with Kappa Alpha Psi and the Kappa Foundation of Cary, focusing heavily on youth mentorship. He is also shifting to literary pursuits, as he looks forward to dedicating time to lifelong learning and publishing children’s books, including a very special book authored by his mother in honor of her grandsons.

Of course, there will also be plenty of time to sharpen his golf game, travel, and make lasting memories with his grandchildren, including many well-deserved walks on the beach with his beautiful partner and best friend, Debra.

Uncle Stephfon, the entire community, and I celebrate you! Thank you for showing us what it means to lead with deep integrity, elevate everyone around you, and turn every opportunity into a lasting legacy. Cheers to your next great chapter!

Preserving Nina Simone’s Legacy For Future Generations

Judaea Ingram — Wed, 10 Jun 2026 12:15:00 +0000

By Judaea Ingram

Special to the Carolinian

More than two decades after her passing, Nina Simone remains one of the most influential artists in American history. Known for her powerful voice, exceptional musical talent, and unwavering commitment to social justice, Simone's impact continues to be felt across generations.

While audiences around the world recognize her as a legendary singer, songwriter, and civil rights activist, many North Carolinians take pride in the fact that her story began in the small town of Tryon.

Today, efforts to preserve Nina Simone's legacy are helping ensure that future generations understand not only her artistic achievements but also her role in shaping conversations about race, equality, and social change.

Born Eunice Kathleen Waymon in 1933, Simone demonstrated remarkable musical talent from an early age. Raised in Tryon, she began playing piano as a child and quickly gained recognition for her abilities.

Family members, teachers, and supporters saw extraordinary potential in the young musician. She received classical piano training and dreamed of becoming a concert pianist, a career path that was rarely accessible to Black musicians at the time.

Her early experiences in North Carolina would have a lasting impact on her life and career.

Like many African Americans living in the South during the era of segregation, Simone witnessed racial discrimination firsthand. Those experiences helped shape her understanding of injustice and would later influence both her music and activism.

Although she initially pursued classical music, Simone eventually found success in jazz clubs and performance venues. It was during this period that she adopted the stage name Nina Simone and began building a career that would make her one of the most respected artists of her generation.

Her unique style blended classical music, jazz, blues, gospel, folk, and soul into a sound that was entirely her own.

Songs such as "Feeling Good," "I Put a Spell on You," and "Mississippi Goddam" showcased not only her vocal abilities but also her willingness to tackle difficult social issues through music.

Unlike many performers of her era, Simone often used her platform to address racial injustice directly.

As the Civil Rights Movement gained momentum during the 1950s and 1960s, Simone became increasingly outspoken about inequality and discrimination. Following tragic events such as the bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, Alabama, she began writing and performing songs that challenged audiences to confront racism and injustice.

Her music became a powerful form of protest.

At a time when many public figures avoided political controversy, Simone embraced difficult conversations. She believed artists had a responsibility to speak honestly about the issues affecting their communities.

That commitment earned her admiration from many supporters and established her as one of the most important artistic voices of the Civil Rights Movement.

Today, her influence extends far beyond music.

Contemporary artists across multiple genres continue to cite Simone as an inspiration. Her willingness to blend artistic excellence with social advocacy has influenced singers, songwriters, actors, activists, and community leaders around the world.

Her story also serves as an important reminder of the challenges Black artists have faced throughout American history.

In recent years, efforts to preserve Simone's legacy have gained renewed attention.

One of the most significant projects has been the restoration of her childhood home in Tryon. Preservationists, historians, and cultural organizations recognized the importance of protecting the property because of its historical and cultural significance.

The home represents more than the birthplace of a famous musician.

It tells the story of a young Black girl from rural North Carolina whose talent, determination, and courage helped her overcome barriers while leaving a lasting impact on the world.

Historic preservation advocates say protecting sites connected to African American history remains critical.

For decades, many landmarks associated with Black history received limited recognition or funding. As a result, some sites were lost or fell into disrepair. Efforts to restore places such as Nina Simone's childhood home help ensure that important stories remain visible for future generations.

Visitors who explore these spaces gain a deeper understanding of the people who shaped history.

For young people, Nina Simone's story offers valuable lessons about perseverance, creativity, and self-expression.

She pursued excellence despite significant obstacles. She remained committed to her principles even when doing so carried professional risks. Most importantly, she demonstrated the power of using one's voice to advocate for change.

Educators often point to Simone as an example of how art can influence society.

Her music continues to inspire conversations about identity, justice, and human rights. Decades after many of her most famous performances, her message remains relevant.

As North Carolina continues to celebrate its rich cultural heritage, preserving the legacy of Nina Simone remains an important responsibility.

Her story belongs not only to the state where she was born but also to the broader history of American music and civil rights.

By protecting historic sites, sharing her achievements, and introducing new generations to her work, communities can ensure that Nina Simone's legacy continues to inspire for years to come.

From a small town in North Carolina to stages around the world, Nina Simone's journey serves as a powerful reminder that talent, courage, and conviction can leave an impact that lasts far beyond a lifetime.

Durham Mother Sues Property Owner Over Son’s Death In Laundry Room

The Carolinian — Wed, 10 Jun 2026 12:02:00 +0000

NC NEWSLINE - The mother of a Durham man who died of heart failure after he became trapped in the laundry room of her downtown apartment building has sued the property owner and management firm.

Debra Davies seeks compensatory damages for the estate of Jason Pulliam, who was 39 at the time of his death. Davies also asked the court to award her damages for the “infliction of emotional distress” caused by her son’s death. According to the lawsuit, Davies suffered “severe emotional distress, mental anguish, grief, anxiety, loss of sleep, emotional suffering, and other psychological injuries” due to defendants’ alleged “negligence.”

The lawsuit, filed in Durham County Superior Court, claims an electronic door malfunctioned and would not open from inside the laundry room, preventing Pulliam from quickly receiving the care that might have saved his life.

“Had Jason or the other occupants of the laundry room been able to freely exit the room, or otherwise summon assistance, emergency personnel could have been alerted sooner and provided lifesaving care earlier,” the lawsuit asserts.

The lawsuit contends the defendants “knew or reasonably should have known that residents and visitors utilizing the common areas of Ashton Place could suffer medical emergencies, fires, accidents, or other events requiring immediate egress from the laundry room or immediate access to emergency assistance.”

Davies is represented by Howard Stallings Law Firm in Raleigh. Lee Rodio, the lead attorney in the case, declined to answer questions when reached Thursday.

“We’ll let the allegations in the complaint speak for themselves,” Rodio said.

Davies’ lawsuit names Downtown Home Improvement Corporation Inc. (DHIC), the Raleigh-based nonprofit developer of the 51-unit affordable housing complex for seniors, and Winston-Salem based Community Management Corporation (CMC), the firm DHIC hired to manage the property. Ashton Place Housing LLC and Ashton Place Managing Members, LLC are also named as defendants.

Jack Bayliss, an attorney with Carruthers & Roth, the legal firm that represents DHIC, said he had not seen the complaint. Bayliss declined to comment on the lawsuit.

Yolanda Winstead, DHIC’s executive director, was unavailable for comment. Calls to CMC were not returned on Friday.

Winstead did discuss Pulliam’s death briefly with NC Newsline in November: “Based on our investigation, Ashton Place was not responsible for this unfortunate death that happened to occur on the premises,” Winstead said.

Bayliss also told NC Newsline at the time that Ashton Place was not responsible for Pulliam’s death.

“It’s sad whenever a young person passes away like this, but Ashton Place doesn’t have any responsibility for his death, and that’s our position on the matter,” Bayliss said. “You know, our sympathies go out to Ms. Davies, losing her son, but that’s about all we have to say on the matter at this point.”

Pulliam died in the Ashton Place laundry room in November 2024. A tenant told investigators at the time that Pulliam appeared “distressed and in need of assistance” when Pulliam entered the laundry room.

“As his [Pulliam’s] condition deteriorated, it became apparent that emergency intervention was urgently needed,” the lawsuit said. “However, the laundry room door had become inoperable from the inside, preventing their escape.”

According to Davies, her son had congestive heart failure dating to the COVID-19 pandemic.

The tenant who said she was trapped in the laundry room with Pulliam told investigators that she banged on the door and called for help, but that her efforts to get someone’s attention were unsuccessful. Neither she nor Pulliam had brought cell phones to the laundry room.

“Unable to escape, unable to call for help, and unable to attract the attention of others in the building, she watched helplessly as Jason’s condition continued to worsen,” the lawsuit said. “According to the woman, all she could do was pray for this man she had never met who appeared to be dying before her eyes.”

Eventually, two more residents entered the laundry room, but were not aware the door was malfunctioning, so they too became locked in the laundry room, the lawsuit said. One of them called 911, according to the lawsuit, but by the time police and first responders arrived, it was too late. They were unable to revive Pulliam.

Pulliam had spoken with his mother at 8:47 p.m. She was traveling from Greensboro and they made arrangements for him to pick her up from the train station. He was pronounced dead at 10:43 p.m.

The residents of Ashton Place and nearby Willard Street Apartments, both developed by DHIC and managed by Community Management Corporation, formed tenant unions in March to fight against what they contend are poor management and shoddy building maintenance.

The newly formed Willard Street United and Ashton Seniors in Action tenant unions demanded that their shared landlord formally recognize the unions and commit to quarterly meetings with tenants.

The N.C. Tenants Union, which helped residents organize, said DHIC continues to recognize Willard Street United because it is a project-based voucher property and believes it is legally obligated to do so under federal housing law. Such vouchers are attached to a specific apartment or building.

DHIC, however, rescinded its recognition of Ashton Seniors in Action because it does not believe it is obligated by federal law to recognize the union. Ashton Place residents receive tenant-based vouchers, which means the holders can choose their own private-market housing.

“Applicable law does not require ownership to recognize any tenant union at the property,” DHIC officials wrote in a letter to Ashton Place tenants. “That being said, ownership supports residents’ rights to join the Union or any voluntary association they wish.”

Hailey Huget, an organizer with N.C. Tenants Union, said the group unequivocally supports Ashton Place residents in their demand for “recognition and a seat at the table through collectively bargaining their leases.”

“These seniors deserve a real voice in their living conditions and not more lip service,” Huget said.

Dr. Chatgpt Is Getting Remarkably Good At Diagnosing Health Problems, But Actual Doctors Are Still Better At Treatment Options

The Carolinian — Tue, 09 Jun 2026 21:08:45 +0000

THE CONVERSATION - A father is worried about his toddler, who has been running a fever for two days and pulling at one ear. A 65-year-old woman has been getting winded on her morning walks and feeling more fatigued than usual. Both reach for their phones and type their symptoms into an AI chatbot.

“Your child likely has an ear infection,” the father learns. “Your symptoms could indicate a cardiac condition,” the woman reads.

Those are helpful answers – and there’s a good chance they’re correct. Artificial intelligence is approaching, and in some cases exceeding, doctors’ ability to make accurate diagnoses. An April 2026 study found OpenAI’s o1 model had a 78% accuracy rate on complex diagnostic cases published in the New England Journal of Medicine and also outperformed experienced doctors when diagnosing actual emergency room patients. Similarly, ChatGPT, working on its own, outperformed physicians in diagnosing complex cases, a 2024 study found – even when the physicians were able to use ChatGPT themselves.

Making a correct diagnosis, though, is only half a doctor’s job. The other half is knowing what to do about it – in other words, deciding how to manage a patient’s health condition.

I am a doctor and medical educator studying how doctors make these decisions, a process known as management reasoning, and how doctors in training develop this ability. For clear-cut health concerns, an AI diagnosis may be enough for someone to get the care they need – a little numbing cream for a baby’s gums, say, or an appointment with a cardiologist.

But uncertainty is common in clinical practice. Often, knowing what ails a patient is necessary but not sufficient for determining how to care for them. And how to manage a patient, even after the diagnosis is settled, is a complex question.

Experienced doctors do not assess each patient from scratch. Over years of practice, they build mental shortcuts called illness scripts.

Illness scripts are more than symptom checklists. They capture what a disease typically looks like, who tends to get it and how it most often progresses. When a doctor sees a new patient, they match what they observe against these mental scripts – a process of categorization and pattern recognition.

When a patient appears with a familiar pattern of signs and symptoms, a doctor calls up the matching mental script almost without thinking. This frees them to notice elements that don’t quite align: a symptom that doesn’t fit, or a detail in the patient’s history – a recent trip abroad, an unusual exposure at work – that points toward a different diagnosis.

It’s not surprising that AI is good at this pattern-matching process. Large language models like ChatGPT work in a similar way. They predict what word should come next in a sentence based on patterns learned from enormous amounts of text, including the medical literature. In that literature, the word “pneumonia” reliably follows certain symptom patterns: fever, say, combined with a cloudy patch on a chest X-ray. Pattern matching, at this level, is essentially the same thing a doctor does when fitting a patient’s symptoms to an illness script.

But deciding what to do next – what tests to run, what treatments to try, what to monitor and what to follow up on – works differently. Instead of one right answer, a doctor faces multiple reasonable options. The art of medical management is prioritizing which among these options is best for the patient in front of you.

The human advantage

So how does a doctor go from diagnosing a patient to figuring out how best to care for them? The answer is almost always, “It depends.”

Consider two men, Marcus and Tomás, both 68, both just diagnosed with early-stage prostate cancer. Their biopsies show the same thing: a slow-growing tumor confined to the prostate.

Both are offered the same two management options. Treat now, with surgery or radiation, accepting the risks of urinary incontinence and changes to sexual function. Or monitor closely with regular tests and biopsies, treating only if it grows. A study that followed more than 82,000 men with early-stage prostate cancer for 15 years found that fewer than 3 in 100 died of their prostate cancer regardless of which path they chose, though men who chose monitoring were about twice as likely to see their cancer spread.

AI can present both options alongside those statistics. What a doctor brings is knowledge of the person sitting across from them.

Marcus has no other significant health conditions. His doctor knows this, and knows Marcus well enough to know that uncertainty sits badly with him. For a patient without other pressing health concerns, a slow-growing tumor has time to progress and become something more serious. Both management paths are genuinely reasonable, but Marcus cannot live with waiting. Knowing cancer is in his body, watched but untreated, is not something he can set aside. He chooses treatment.

Tomás has advanced heart failure, something his doctor has been managing alongside him for years. She knows that his heart condition poses a more immediate threat to his health than this slow-growing tumor does. She knows, too, that he watched a friend go through radiation and come out diminished. Treating aggressively would mean bearing real costs for a benefit that may never arrive. She recommends active surveillance. For Tomás, it is the right answer and a relief.

Different management decisions are the norm in medicine. The right path for any patient depends on who that patient is and what they value, and on a doctor’s judgment about where the evidence is reliable and where genuine uncertainty remains.

Judging risk and uncertainty

To decide how to manage a patient’s condition, a doctor first considers evidence from the medical literature and then applies the available management options to the patient’s particular circumstances. This requires honest communication , shared decision-making, jointly navigating risk and acknowledging uncertainty.

Some risk can be measured. For chest pain, doctors use scoring tools that estimate a patient’s short-term likelihood of a heart attack based on their symptoms and test results. AI can likely work through those numbers faster than most doctors.

But risk and uncertainty at the bedside or in the clinic are difficult to measure. Scoring systems and practice guidelines are designed for the average patient – an idealized person, who does not exist. And both doctors’ and patients’ sense of risk and uncertainty are shaped by their experience. For many patients, this includes a long and justified history of mistrust in the healthcare system.

AI does not know what you have been through or what risk trade-offs you are willing to accept. It cannot acknowledge uncertainty the way a good doctor can, returning to it with you as your circumstances change.

This is where diagnosis and management part ways. The father of the feverish toddler probably got a useful answer: AI has seen enough feverish toddlers in the medical literature to make a reasonable call. But knowing what to do next, including when to stop watching and start worrying, is a conversation best had with your doctor.

100 Black Men of Triangle East Hosts Annual Dayla Fundraiser For Youth Programs

Jordan Meadows — Tue, 09 Jun 2026 18:32:00 +0000

By Jordan Meadows

Staff Writer

An elegant afternoon gathering in Northeast Raleigh carried a deeper purpose beneath the music, networking, and celebration.

The 2026 Dayla, hosted by 100 Black Men of Triangle East on Saturday at Hibiscus Event Venue, brought together community leaders, families, alumni, and supporters to invest in the future of Black youth across Wake and Durham counties.

The Dayla has served as the organization’s signature fundraising event for decades, but attendees emphasized that it functions as more than a social occasion. It is a central piece of how the group sustains its year-round work—mentoring, education, and community-based programming offered at no cost to the young people it serves.

Proceeds from the event directly support initiatives such as Saturday Academy, Parent Academy, Collegiate 100, scholarship awards, and a broader framework built around the organization’s “Four For The Future” pillars: mentoring, education, health and wellness, and economic empowerment.

Throughout the afternoon, the event blended celebration with recognition, highlighting scholarship recipients, honoring standout mentees and members, and showcasing the organization’s ongoing impact.

While the atmosphere featured food, entertainment, and fellowship, the underlying focus was on sustaining and growing programs that guide students in grades 6 through 12 through critical stages of development. Mentors within the organization provide hands-on support in areas ranging from leadership and financial literacy to college readiness, career exploration, and personal wellness.

"Our Dayla is more than a celebration," said President CJ Guion of 100 Black Men of Triangle East. "It is an opportunity for the community to come together in support of the young people and families we serve. Fundraising events like this allow us to continue offering impactful programming free of charge to mentees while expanding our reach and deepening our impact."

A virtual silent auction, launched several days before the event, allowed supporters from anywhere to participate. Items included a photography experience with world-renowned photographer Bradford in New York or Miami, a one-night stay at the Carolina Inn, and a private wine class at Total Wine, among other offerings. The hybrid approach reflected a broader strategy to widen engagement and ensure that distance did not limit participation in the organization’s mission.

"This project underscores our mission to uplift and support the communities we serve," he said.

That mission has continued to grow in visibility and reach in recent months.

The chapter secured a $15,000 Women Who Give a Hoot community grant and drew regional attention through media features highlighting its youth programming, including its Annual Cooking Competition. Leaders say those milestones are part of a steady expansion built on partnerships, consistency, and a focus on tangible outcomes for young people and their families.

Founded in 1997 as part of the national 100 Black Men of America network, the Triangle East chapter has positioned itself as a longstanding presence in Wake and Durham counties. Its approach centers on mentorship as both a practical tool and a long-term investment—connecting youth with role models who can help navigate academic challenges, social pressures, and career decisions.

What To Know About The New World Screwworm Fly & Its US Reappearance in the US

The Carolinian — Tue, 09 Jun 2026 18:09:26 +0000

AP NEWS - The New World screwworm fly is threatening the $113 billion U.S. cattle industry for the first time in more than half a century, as officials race to eradicate a deadly flesh-eating parasite not seen in Texas since 1966.

The U.S. Department of Agriculture announced two new cases Monday, including the first outside Texas in a dog from just across the state line in Lea County, New Mexico. A calf hundreds of miles away in La Salle County, Texas, brought the total reported cases to four.

Texas is home to $17 billion worth of cattle, making it the industry’s No. 1 state.

Screwworm flies were an annual warm-weather scourge for cattle ranchers from at least the 1930s through the 1960s, when the U.S. eradicated the pest by breeding sterile male flies and dropping swarms of them from planes to mate with wild females.

The deadly flies were detected in Mexico late in 2024 after years of being contained at the southern end of Panama.

Here is what to know about the fly, the threat it poses and the response:

Being unusual makes the flies a threat

The New World screwworm fly in the Western Hemisphere and its Old World cousin in Africa and Asia are unusual among flies because their larvae, or maggots, eat live flesh and fluids instead of dead material. Females lay their eggs in open wounds and mucous membranes after mating only once in their monthslong lives.

The screwworm gets its name from the maggots’ habit of burrowing — or screwing — into a wound, according to the USDA Animal and Plant Health Inspection Service.

Any warm-blooded animal, including wildlife, pets and occasionally even humans, can be infested.

Livestock are vulnerable because of how they’re handled, Lee Haines, an associate research professor of biological sciences at the University of Notre Dame, said in an email Thursday. Standard practices with cattle can break the skin, including shearing and dehorning, or even moving them in and out of corrals can cause scrapes and cuts. Birth would also make a mother and calf vulnerable, she said.

Stephen Diebel, a Texas rancher and president of the Texas & Southwestern Cattle Raisers Association, added that even wounds “as small as a tick bite,” can put cattle at risk.

Death can result if an infestation is not treated, though a dozen treatments have been approved for use in a variety of species. In decades past, ranchers had tens of millions of dollars in losses — potentially billions in today’s dollars.

But agriculture officials were quick to note that the fly does not infest food, and U.S. Agriculture Secretary Brooke Rollins said it’s unlikely to damage beef production -- welcome news given that consumers are already facing record prices.

Where in Texas is screwworm coming back?

The infestation was discovered in a single 3-week-old calf in La Pryor, Texas, about 100 miles (161 kilometers) southwest of San Antonio and 50 miles (80 kilometers) from the U.S.-Mexico border.

The U.S. Department of Agriculture on Friday announced a second confirmed case in a one-month-old calf in Zavala County, Texas, only 5.6 miles (9 kilometers) from the first case.

On Monday, the USDA announced two more infections, one in La Salle County not far from the earlier outbreaks, but the other hundreds of miles to the northwest in Andrews County.

Officials sounded alarms for nearly 2 years

Federal and state officials and cattle industry leaders have been sounding public alarms about the fly’s movement through Mexico and toward the U.S. since a case was confirmed in southern Mexico in November 2024.

Officials had considered the pest eradicated from Central and North America nearly two decades before an outbreak in Panama prompted a state of emergency there early in 2023, according to the joint U.S.-Panama program established in 1994 to stop the parasite. Cases jumped to Costa Rica and Nicaragua later that year.

Edward Burgess, a University of Florida entomologist who studies the fly, said it reproduces quickly and is carried across wide areas by its hosts, namely wild animals such as deer. Outside of Panama, he said, programs that produced and released sterile flies have largely shut down.

“It’s hard to stay ahead of it because of how fast that fly is able to move and regenerate,” Burgess said.

Outside the US, thousands of animals and hundreds of humans have been sickened

As of June 3, the parasite had sickened more than 171,700 animals and 2,070 people across Central America and Mexico, according to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. There have been 10 human deaths, the CDC says.

Starting in May 2025, Rollins closed border entries to livestock and on Thursday she credited that move with delaying the fly’s arrival in Texas by a year.

Rollins has argued that the Mexican government has not done enough to control animals moving within the country, a suggestion Mexican authorities have rejected.

But Haines said climate change is a key element in the spread of a tropical species that thrives in warm weather. Warmer temperatures are expanding the fly’s habitat and cold snaps that killed them off each year in marginal habitats are becoming less frequent and less severe, she said.

Officials quarantine a swath of Texas

Texas State Veterinarian Bud Dinges imposed a 12-mile (20-kilometer) quarantine zone covering much of Zavala County, home to La Pryor, and a small part of neighboring Uvalde County. Animals cannot leave that zone without being inspected.

Local ranchers are concerned that the fly will spread among wildlife, particularly deer, as a small, short-lived outbreak did in the Florida Keys in 2016. That was the last time a U.S. case was confirmed among animals, though the CDC confirmed a case last year in a Maryland man who had traveled to El Salvador and recovered.

Zavala County Sheriff Eusevio Salinas said Thursday that state officials were setting up several road checkpoints in the county to enforce the quarantine.

“They said they were going to do that for three to four days, and hopefully after that it’s already under control,” Salinas said.

In Texas, shots and fly drops

Diebel, whose family ranch is about 200 miles (322 kilometers) east of the quarantine zone, said ranchers are proactively giving injections that prevent screwworm infestation. They’re also taking extra care to treat wounds from ear tagging and other practices and keeping a close eye for signs of illness.

The USDA has been dropping sterile flies in south Texas since February, when it opened a center for dispersing them in south Texas. It is now dropping them twice a week, for a total of 4 million flies, and it’s also putting 4 million more a week in the ground as pupae, flies in the stage between larvae and adult, said Rear Admiral Michael Schmoyer, a member of the USDA’s response team.

Releasing sterile flies is both time-tested and highly effective. While males are “promiscuous,” in the scientific sense, females are not, and if their one mating hookup is with a sterile male, no eggs from that female will hatch.

Once sterile males are prevalent enough, the fly’s population declines and then dies out.

But with sites outside Panama shut down for years, the USDA didn’t think sterile flies were being bred fast enough. It invested $21 million in a new fly-breeding facility in southern Mexico that is expected to start operations next month.

The USDA also is spending $750 million to build a fly factory in southern Texas that can produce up to 300 million sterile flies a week. It is expected to begin operating next fall.

Nourished By The Movement Makes Waves

Jheri Hardaway — Tue, 09 Jun 2026 14:26:00 +0000

By Jheri Hardaway

Staff Writer

Durham, NC - On Friday night in downtown Durham, the North Carolina Black Alliance cultivated an atmosphere of fullness, wellness, and excellence at the Lincoln on Greer. With a tasty VIP dinner featuring area staples like Dame’s Chicken and Waffles, Corner Boys BBQ, Full Street Catering, and many more, we knew we were in for a treat.

This immersive experience coincides with the 25-year celebration of NCBA in supporting the movement that keeps OUR communities nourished. This inter-generational cultural experience highlighted how, across generations, food has nourished more than our bodies. It has sustained organizing, fueled conversations, and created spaces where ideas, strategy, and joy could live side by side. From church basements and living rooms to front porches and family cookouts, these gathering places have always been part of how movements grow. Nourished by the Movement was an immersive evening where food, culture, and history come together in celebration of the people, places, and traditions that have sustained Black movements for generations. The energy of the cookout, the warmth of the family table.

The space was crafted carefully to allow event goers to move through thoughtfully curated spaces inspired by nostalgic Black gathering places while enjoying a culinary experience rooted in the spirit of fellowship, care, and celebration. Nourished by the Movement was presented in partnership with Taste of BLK. This was a great opportunity to slow down, connect, and reflect on the power of community. Food, fashion, and innovation motivated and entertained all attendees. The North Carolina Black Alliance has demonstrated consistent excellence in bringing people together in times of celebration, information, and activism. We encourage you to follow their social media pages and get involved in their events and activism statewide.

NC Prisons See Uptick In Applicants With Launch Of Pilot Hiring Program

Jordan Meadows — Tue, 09 Jun 2026 12:48:00 +0000

By Jordan Meadows

Staff Writer

Inside North Carolina’s prisons, the most immediate crisis is the growing absence of the people tasked with keeping facilities safe. Severe staffing shortages have left many correctional institutions operating with barely half the officers they need—creating conditions where violence is harder to prevent, basic operations are strained, and both workers and incarcerated people face heightened risk.

At a recent press conference, Gov. Josh Stein pointed to a core driver of the problem: pay. North Carolina ranks 49th in the nation for correctional officer salaries, with wages typically ranging from about $18 to $25 an hour, or roughly $37,000 to $54,000 annually.

That reality has made it increasingly difficult to keep them on the job. Even as the state hired more than 1,500 correctional officers in 2025, it ended the year with fewer positions filled. Turnover has reached about 24%, with many employees taking second jobs or leaving altogether to find more stable income elsewhere.

The consequences of those shortages are playing out daily inside facilities.

Capt. Derrick Simmons, a veteran officer at Neuse Correctional Institution, described a stark shift over the past decade: where a typical shift once included around 28 officers and five sergeants, staffing levels have now dropped to as few as seven or eight officers and three supervisors. With fewer eyes and less coverage, incidents that might once have been prevented now unfold more easily.

Without enough staff, prisons struggle to carry out core functions, from transporting individuals to outside medical appointments to maintaining educational and rehabilitation programs. Simmons said those gaps ultimately affect reentry outcomes, leaving people less prepared for life after release.

State officials say the hiring process itself has also contributed to the problem. Traditionally taking up to 45 to 49 days, the multi-step system—including background checks, medical exams, drug testing, and psychological evaluations—has led some applicants to drop out before they ever begin work. In response, the North Carolina Department of Adult Correction, working with the North Carolina Office of State Human Resources, launched a pilot program aimed at speeding up recruitment and reducing attrition in the hiring pipeline.

The initiative, rolled out at Central Prison and facilities in Harnett and Pasquotank counties, introduced a contingent hiring model that allows applicants to begin working in certain roles while final certification steps are completed. By shortening the time-to-hire to roughly 35 days and getting new employees on payroll sooner, officials say the program has reduced drop-off rates and improved hiring outcomes.

In its first four months, the pilot brought in 95 new hires across the three locations, including 31 at Central Prison and 43 in Harnett County, with Pasquotank adding 21 officers.

Leslie Cooley Dismukes, secretary of the Department of Adult Correction, said at a press conference that the early results show promise but also stated hiring alone will not solve the crisis. The system includes 55 facilities statewide, and while recruitment efforts—such as expanded advertising and targeted outreach—have increased applicant flow, retention remains the central challenge.

“People are not staying on the job if they can’t make ends meet,” she said.

Lawmakers have begun to acknowledge the scale of the issue. A budget framework announced in May includes a proposed average 15.4% salary increase for correctional officers.

Without meaningful changes, officials warn that the state may face difficult decisions, including the potential closure of additional facilities. Craggy Correctional Center, just North of Asheville, is already scheduled to close, with incarcerated individuals set to be transferred and employees offered positions elsewhere.

Stein and DAC leadership are urging the General Assembly to pass a comprehensive budget that includes substantial double-digit pay raises (such as a proposed 15% raise) for all correctional and supervisory staff. Floor debates and final votes on a state budget—which holds the funding for these correctional officer pay raises—are expected to occur in the coming weeks.

States face tight timeline as feds unveil new Medicaid work requirement rules

The Carolinian — Mon, 08 Jun 2026 21:10:19 +0000

NC NEWSLINE - The federal government released new guidance this week on how states should roll out the Medicaid work requirements that will affect healthcare coverage for millions of Americans.

The new interim rule, issued by the federal Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, is intended to give states more details on how they’re supposed to verify the work status for about 20 million adults enrolled in Medicaid, the publicly funded health insurance program for people with low incomes.

The new details come as states are staring down the January 1, 2027, deadline to put the new work requirements in place, and have requested more clarity from the feds on how they’re supposed to implement them.

“States are being asked to carry out a complicated federal mandate without clear rules, without enough time, and with the risk that eligible people lose health care because of paperwork problems and system failures,” Oregon Democratic Gov. Tina Kotek said last week in a statement.

Kotek led a six-state coalition of Democratic governors in asking the Trump administration last week to slow the rollout of the new work requirements, calling the timeline unworkable.

Congress built the new work requirements into last year’s so-called One Big Beautiful Bill Act. Under the measure, states that have expanded Medicaid eligibility to more adults under the Affordable Care Act — 40 states plus the District of Columbia and another two that have partially expanded — will have to require those adults to prove they’re working, going to school or serving their communities for at least 80 hours a month to receive Medicaid.

The rules released this week are intended to clarify key parts of the new law, including exemptions for people who are considered “medically frail,” how to reach out to Medicaid beneficiaries, and methods for verifying Medicaid eligibility.

“This rule helps Americans build skills and independence through work, education, job training, or community service, creating new opportunities for themselves and their families,” said Dr. Mehmet Oz, director for the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, in a statement announcing the new guidance.

But critics of work requirements point to evidence that it kicks people off Medicaid who are otherwise entitled to it without meaningfully increasing the share of adults who are working.

For example, Arkansas tried instituting work requirements for Medicaid recipients during Trump’s first term in 2018. By the time a federal judge halted the policy less than a year later, 18,000 adults had already lost coverage and reported problems paying off medical debt, delaying healthcare and delaying medications due to cost. Studies later found that Arkansas’ work requirements didn’t increase employment. And data shows that most adults on Medicaid under age 65 are already working.

Supporters say the new requirements are flexible. They say the feds have created a broad category of “medically frail” people who are exempt from the work requirements, and they’re permitting states to allow people to self-attest that they’re exempt one time before documentation is required.

The new work requirements will apply to about 20 million people who are eligible for Medicaid through expansion, according to estimates from health research organization KFF. These expansion enrollees make up about 30% of all Medicaid enrollees.

A recent analysis from the Urban Institute projects that 3-7 million people could lose coverage because of the new work requirements.

Black Teachers Improve Outcomes For All Students, But The Profession Remains Largely White Despite Results

The Carolinian — Mon, 08 Jun 2026 17:04:00 +0000

THE CONVERSATION - Having Black teachers and other educators of color improves students’ classroom experiences, research shows. They often serve as role models, set high academic expectations and teach material that connects to students’ lives outside of schools.

This can lead to higher standardized test scores, better school attendance and more classroom engagement – particularly when it comes to students who share their teacher’s racial or ethnic background, but also for all students.

Yet over the past four decades, the teacher workforce has barely become more diverse, even as the student population has changed.

In the late 1980s, about 70% of public school students and over 85% of teachers were white. Today, the public teacher workforce is still around 80% white, compared with fewer than 50% of students.

I am a scholar of education policy who studies policies affecting Black and other teachers of color, including strategies for diversifying the teacher workforce.

My colleagues and I recently published two studies that help explain why the teacher diversity gap is so difficult to close, despite programs designed to do so.

Even with local district and state-funded teacher recruitment programs that aim to bring in more teachers of color, it is not easy to reverse a workforce gap that took decades to create. Black teachers were pushed out of classrooms during school desegregation in the 1950s through 1970s, resulting in long-lasting effects that shape how a classroom looks today.

This legacy is rarely discussed in teacher recruitment policies that state they support diversity goals. As a result, they often fail to confront or address the racial inequalities that created the gap in the first place.

A history that still shapes the workforce

In 1954, the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education ruling struck down state-sanctioned segregation in public schools. The landmark decision opened school doors for students of color.

But desegregation also closed many doors for Black teachers.

Before this ruling, teaching was one of the most accessible and respected professions available to Black Americans, especially Black women, who taught in segregated Black schools. Most other fields, from law to medicine, were largely closed to Black workers by formal exclusion and discrimination.

Teaching became one of the few reliable paths to middle-class stability.

In the 1960s and 1970s, many segregated Black schools across the South and border states closed or merged with white ones.

As this happened, thousands of Black teachers and principals were dismissed or demoted. Some estimates put the number of educators pushed out of the profession as high as 100,000.

Desegregated schools in those same regions often kept white teachers and let Black teachers go, a pattern that education scholar Leslie Fenwick has called “Jim Crow’s pink slip.”

A common strategy

Today, all 50 states, in addition to Washington, have “Grow Your Own” programs – public initiatives to recruit local community members, including current students or school staff, into teaching positions.

Grow Your Own programs have roots as far back as the 1940s, led by the country’s largest teachers union and a network of high school clubs.

The basic idea is simple: Because teachers are more likely than other professionals to work near their hometowns, recruiting local community members into teaching may help grow the teacher workforce.

Educators raised near the schools they teach in often better reflect the demographics of the communities they serve than teachers who come from farther away.

In recent years, most of these teacher recruitment programs have focused on encouraging high school students to pursue a teaching career through elective courses that introduce students to teaching as a career.

Other types of Grow Your Own programs include college scholarships where recipients commit to teaching in the same geographic area or state following graduation. Some programs support classroom aides and other school staff who want to become full-time teachers by enrolling them in required university-level teacher-preparation coursework.

By definition, nearly every program intends to expand the teacher workforce. About half also list increasing diversity as an explicit goal.

While Grow York Own programs are gaining popularity at state and district levels, unfortunately there is no good national count of how many people participate in them.

The Teacher Academy of Maryland

Since 2004, nearly 2,000 high school students per year have enrolled in the Teacher Academy of Maryland, a program my colleagues and I study. These students take high-school-level classes on child development and teaching, alongside their regular coursework. They complete internships in nearby K-12 classrooms, and they can simultaneously earn college credits that transfer to a teacher-preparation program.

The hope is that more high school students will decide to become teachers – a possible solution to a declining teacher workforce. The Teacher Academy of Maryland also is part of a statewide policy push to diversify the teaching profession.

Against this backdrop, my colleagues and I asked three questions in one study published in 2026: Does the Teacher Academy of Maryland actually increase the number of new teachers? Does it diversify the teacher workforce? And what can other states and programs learn from a program like this?

We compared students who had the option to join the Teacher Academy of Maryland program with students just a couple of years older who attended the same high school, but graduated before the program began in that school.

Students enrolled in a school offering the program were about 45% more likely to become teachers than their older peers who did not have the option to join the program. We interpret this effect as large, especially since only 1.4% of Maryland high school students overall become teachers.

The program helped students finish high school and enroll in college. It also steered some students who might have become classroom aides toward full-time teaching positions.

However, over the period we studied, the effects on entry into teaching were over twice as large for white students compared with Black students. The program produced more new white teachers than new Black teachers. It expanded the teaching pipeline in proportion to the students who enrolled, most of whom were white.

Why the gap is not closing

Our follow-up study, also published in 2026, spells out what it would actually take to boost the number of teachers of color.

To fulfill Maryland’s goal of diversifying the teaching profession, recruitment programs would need to focus specifically on Black and other students of color. That could mean concentrating resources in majority-Black districts like Baltimore City.

So far, the Teacher Academy of Maryland has run in only a few of Baltimore’s 30-plus public high schools.

Race-conscious policies face serious headwinds today. Affirmative action is illegal in college admissions and is being challenged in K-12 teacher hiring.

That said, treating teacher diversity as a numbers problem alone will not close the gap. The roots run deeper: Segregation and exclusion have shaped who is in the classroom today.

Lessons for policymakers and program leaders

Our research points to a clear lesson: Programs to address teacher shortages and programs to diversify the workforce are not the same thing.

States, school systems and Grow Your Own programs that take teacher diversity seriously should design their work specifically with that goal in mind. In practice, that means recruiting Black and other students of color directly. And it means being honest that closing this gap will take decades, not a single grant cycle.

Harnett Co NAACP And School Board Search For Summer Meal Solutions

Jheri Hardaway — Mon, 08 Jun 2026 12:28:00 +0000

By Jheri Hardaway

Staff Writer

Lillington, NC - On June 1st, Harnett County NAACP Chair Benita Harrington informed the Harnett County School board and community of the following: “I stand before you today on behalf of the Harnett County NAACP, and the families whose voices often go unheard. We are here because hunger is not an abstract issue in the heart of our community. It's a daily reality for many of our children.

And yet, in the areas of Lillington, Shawtown, and Overhills, these communities face the greatest economic hardships. There are no accessible sites for the summer meal programs. These are the neighborhoods where families are working two and three jobs, where transportation is limited, and children rely on the school meal program as their most consistent source of nutrition. When the place with the greatest need receives the fewest resources, that's simply not an oversight; that is inequity, and inequity left unhandled is an injustice. The NAACP believes, and I believe, that every child deserves dignity, stability, and the basic nourishment required to learn, grow, and thrive. Hunger should never be a barrier to a child's future, not in Harnett County, not anywhere. I want to acknowledge the hard work that this board does, with so many competing demands that I've seen just tonight. Sometimes compassion requires us to look directly at the gaps that harm our most vulnerable. Empathy requires us to ask, what does it mean for a child to be hungry? Leadership requires us to act. Tonight, I'm asking the board to partner with NAACP, with community organizations, churches, and local leaders, to ensure that the free summer meal sites are placed where they're needed most, not where it's easiest, not where it's most convenient, but where the children are that are hungry. It's not a political issue for us; this is a moral one. Our children cannot wait; their well-being is our collective responsibility. So let's choose equity, let's choose compassion, and let's choose to make Harnett County a place where every child, regardless of the zip code, has access to the nourishment they deserve.”

The statistics show 7,290 children face food insecurity in Harnett County. This is terrible for a state where “Goodness grows” and a county with “Strong roots, new growth.” We can do better. After Harrington’s remarks, Harnett County School Board Co-Chair Brad Abate began asking questions, which led to a conversation about the program being driven somewhat by USDA maps. According to the team these USDA maps to an extent dictate what sites are established based on a variety of statistics. A search on the Harnett County Schools’ website has not been updated for this summer. Chairwoman Harrington also noted that in areas with limited internet access, information about the lunch program needs more collective organizing.

My ultimate question is bigger than the summer meal program, speaking to food in Harnett County overall. In Harnett, there are 563 farms, according to the latest USDA Census of Agriculture. These operations encompass over 109,000 acres of farmland and contribute more than $251 million to the local economy. Is it possible for Harnett County Schools to buy farm fresh meat and produce directly from Harnett County farmers to feed our students and other vulnerable populations?

According to county data, agriculture is Harnett County’s leading industry, ranking top 30 statewide for cotton, hay, soybeans, sweet potatoes, tobacco, broilers, and hogs. The County also ranks 14th among North Carolina’s 100 counties in total farm income. What would it take to ensure every Harnett County Schools student gets a sweetpotatoe a day to ensure they’re learning and growing while taking in all the important nutrients? The Carolinian will continue to follow this story.

A North Carolina Megachurch Is Launching A College

The Carolinian — Sun, 07 Jun 2026 22:59:00 +0000

NC Public Press - “Where calling meets college.” That’s the pitch of Elevation College, an offshoot of Matthews-based Elevation Church opening for students this fall.

The college will offer eight four-year bachelor’s degree programs in majors like pastoral care and counseling, production, biblical studies and digital media and design, as well as two-year associate degrees in general education and ministerial leadership.

Elevation is the largest church in North Carolina by number of campuses and by average weekly attendance, around 17,000 as of 2025, firmly cementing it as a megachurch — congregations of 2,000 or more weekly attendees.

But even with Elevation’s colossal size, as the book of Ecclesiastes says, two are better than one.

Elevation College will partner with Southeastern University, a Florida-based private Christian school affiliated with the Assemblies of God, one of the fastest-growing denominations today, in providing academic classes. Elevation’s 10 programs listed on its site link to existing degree programs at SEU, with all but two of them housed in the Barnett College of Ministry and Theology.

A match made in heaven

All academic instruction and degree conferral will be provided by SEU, while Elevation College will serve “as a local community site providing mentorship and practicum experiences,” its website says. A practicum is an introductory, supervised internship experience that is often required for degree programs like social work, education and counseling. According to the college, the practicums will be completed within Elevation Church.

“Through our Practicum Experience, students step into meaningful, hands-on opportunities each week, serving alongside Elevation Church staff and leaders while developing as servant leaders who love God and people,” the website states.

“Students can gain practical experience tailored to their degree program in areas like worship, production, youth ministry, creative, and campus ministry. Under the guidance of mentors, students are placed on ministry teams where they’ll receive coaching, weekly development, and real responsibility.”

Elevation students are fully enrolled at SEU, but their courses are delivered in a hybrid format designed around their chosen degree path, SEU Chief of Staff Patrick Fitzgerald told CPP in an email.

“Depending heavily on a particular student’s major, some online courses will be offered exclusively for Elevation College students to foster local community building and focused peer collaboration and even contextual learning,” he wrote.

“Other online courses will combine Elevation students with the broader SEU student body to diversify their academic discussions, provide access to particular professors, and maximize course availability.”

Though Elevation College itself will not operate as an accredited institution, SEU is accredited by the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools Commission on Colleges, the same organization that provides accreditation to hundreds of North Carolina universities and community colleges.

A spokesperson for Elevation, College and Leadership Pastor Matthew Drew, said Elevation chose to partner with SEU because “they already have a strong, accredited academic framework and shared our heart for raising up the next generation of leaders.” Drew did not respond to further detailed questions from Carolina Public Press at the time of publication.

Perry Glanzer, an expert on Christian higher education and educational leadership professor at Baylor University, said it’s not unusual for churches to start colleges. Many Historically Black Colleges and Universities started as seminaries or have deep connections to the church, like Shaw University in Raleigh.

Having just a handful of degree pathways in the beginning, most of them ministry-focused, is also common.

Christian universities tend to get started in two ways, Glanzer said. One way is to begin as a Bible college, such as Carolina University in Winston-Salem, previously the Piedmont Bible Institute. Another approach, which Glanzer said is happening more in countries outside of the United States, is to offer a few practical majors like business technology and healthcare degrees. In both instances, Glanzer has seen such institutions expand over time.

What is unique about SEU is its emphasis on branch campuses, like Elevation College, Glanzer said. Some of the largest Christian colleges, such as Liberty University and Grand Canyon University, have their online programs to thank for their high enrollment numbers. But instead of taking the beaten path, SEU is instead growing its enrollment through its 200 site locations at churches across the country, including nine others in North Carolina.

“Southeastern is taking a different model in that they hire local professors to teach classes within the church, so it’s face-to-face but with the support of a local community as well, and they’re doing that in multiple church locations, actually all around the world, not just the United States,” Glanzer said.

“That’s really unique, and as a result Southeastern is actually seeing tremendous growth. (…) State universities have declined by about 4% in the last decade. Secular private universities have declined 7%. Protestant universities have grown 11%, but Southeastern has grown even more than that. They’ve grown 200% in the past decade, from 2014 to 2024, largely using this creative model.”

Elevation will charge a little over $8,000 for tuition and $6,800 for housing per year, as well as a $5,000 site fee that Elevation says will support ministry training, leadership development, classroom space, spiritual formation and student programming. At roughly $20,000 per year, Elevation College will be cheaper than most of the state’s largest private universities and many of the public University of North Carolina System schools’ cost of attendance for in-state residents.

Tuition goes directly to their university to support instruction and degree conferral, whereas the site fee goes to Elevation. The two will also engage in a revenue sharing model that “supports the ongoing sustainability and growth of the program for both entities,” Fitzpatrick said.

Elevation plans to have between 30 and 50 students its first year based on its capacity for student housing, Drew said. According to its website, students are required to live in newly built townhouses, located in Charlotte.

Church history lesson

Elevation was a member of the Southern Baptist Convention, the largest Protestant denomination in the United States, until it left in 2023. While the church didn’t provide a reason, it came after the SBC had voted to remove several churches for having women pastors. Married duo Steven Furtick and Holly Furtick co-founded Elevation, and Holly occasionally delivers sermons.

“You will find that our Statement of Beliefs on our website is very much in line with the Baptist Faith and Message — we have no intention of changing those core beliefs,” Elevation said in its letter.

“(…) We pray that we will continue to be able to work alongside many SBC churches in the coming years. We know there is much we can do more effectively in partnership than we can do alone.”

Elevation now operates as a nondenominational church but, as promised, its beliefs and practices are still largely aligned with Southern Baptist teachings, so it might seem odd to partner with SEU. But Warren Bird, one of the United States’ leading researchers of large and growing churches, said the SBC and Assemblies of God think similarly about core issues.

“The Southern Baptist and Assemblies of God denominations are fully aligned on core evangelical doctrines, such as: Who is Jesus? Is the Bible the inspired Word of God? And how does someone get forgiven by God and spend eternity in heaven?” Bird told CPP in an email.

“They differ primarily on issues of local church autonomy, the role of spiritual gifts today such as speaking in tongues, and level of emphasis on the Holy Spirit.”

SEU partnering with churches, many outside of their own denomination, is unusual but attractive, Glanzer said. It allows students to have an in-person element while still offering the benefits of an online education that so many are seeking out today.

Elevation is particularly well-known thanks to its in-house music group that has released 17 albums since 2010 and is considered one of the “big four” contemporary Christian music worship bands. Churches across the country sing Elevation’s original songs every Sunday, which has led to the church having a lot of pull within the Christian community.

While high-visibility churches like Elevation draw in members from their region most heavily, Bird said, their influence is undoubtedly national. So although students will be expected to live and practice in the Charlotte area, Bird expects Elevation’s recognizability will attract students from across the country.

Theological stances

SEU has a number of statements regarding its theological beliefs and admission to the university, including a “community covenant” of 15 standards that it says students are obligated to follow as voluntary members of a faith-based community.

One instructs students to respect and value the “diversity of the body of Christ,” while another states they should refrain from “all sexually immoral behavior including: premarital sex; adultery; lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender behavior; and involvement with pornography in any form.”

In a separate statement, SEU says it affirms human sexuality as a gift from God, as it is designed to serve as a mirror of one’s relationship with God — but that doesn’t extend to the LGBTQ+ community.

“We believe that God’s intention for human sexuality is between one genetic male and one genetic female within the covenant of marriage (Genesis 2:18, 21–24; Hebrews 13:4),” its website states.

“In addition, Southeastern University supports the dignity of individual persons affirming their biological sex — understanding that any attempts to change one’s God-given sexuality through elective sex-reassignment or transvestite, transgender or nonbinary ‘genderqueer’ acts or conduct is at odds with our biblical standards, denominational affiliation and subsequently our code of conduct.”

While Elevation College students are not subject to the same policies, SEU partners with churches with similar beliefs, Fitzpatrick said.

“As a partner site, Elevation College operates within an alignment of shared organizational values,” he wrote.

“Southeastern University (SEU) does not impose its specific university-wide lifestyle policies, scriptural standards, or community covenants onto Elevation College students, nor do we ‘police’ their student body. Instead, we purposefully partner with churches like Elevation that already possess like-minded theological stances, strong institutional integrity, and a shared spiritual vision. Elevation College maintains its own environment and culture appropriate to its local church context.”

Elevation Church’s public accounts and websites do not address whether it approves of same-sex marriage. But since a former musician for Elevation came forward in 2018 about being asked to step down from his role because of his sexuality, there’s been a widely held notion that it is not supportive of the LGBTQ+ community.

Church Clarity, a nonprofit that scores churches on their transparency of their LGBTQ+ and women in leadership policies, lists Elevation policies as unclear, though the entry hasn’t been updated since 2018. Church Clarity cites an Elevation page that is no longer active but previously stated marriage is intended to be between a man and a woman.

Former Lt. Governor Robinson Sued For Filing False Lawsuit

The Carolinian — Sun, 07 Jun 2026 20:33:00 +0000

By Cash Michaels

Contributing Writer

Former Lt. Gov. Mark Robinson is being sued in Guilford County Superior Court for allegedly falsely suing a local Greensboro man during his 2024 Republican campaign for governor.

Louis Love Money, a Greensboro musician, filed his compliant on May 26th, alleging that Robinson falsely filed suit against him in 2024 when Robinson sued both Money and CNN for defamation, after the cable news network reported that Robinson frequented a porn site online calling himself “Black Nazi.”

Money was accused of alleging that Robinson used to visit a store he owned that featured pornography.

Robinson held press conferences declaring that he was being defamed by Money and CNN, and announced that he was suing them for $50 million, only to later drop that suit against both defendants.

Louis Money says in his complaint that because Robinson dropped the complaint when it became apparent that the pornography allegations were true, that led to abuse of the legal process and malicious prosecution. There was never a legal basis for Robinson to ever file a lawsuit against him, and that the only reason he did so was for political advantage during the campaign.

Robinson later admitted on a recent podcast interview that he did indulge in pornography during his younger years..

“The lawsuit was never truly about money or about any supposed deep-state conspiracy, artificial intelligence, or pornographic video allegedly purchased in the 1990s or early 2000s,” Money’s lawsuit states. “Instead, the lawsuit appears to have been political theater, using the court system as part of an election strategy.”

And because there was no truth to Robinson’s lawsuit, Money alleges that he was forced to incur “significant” legal costs to defend himself. Now, he seeks more than $25,000 in damages, along with attorneys’ fees and other punitive and compensatory relief from a jury.

Tribes Sue To Halt Exploratory Drilling Near Sacred Site

The Carolinian — Sun, 07 Jun 2026 13:16:00 +0000

SIOUX FALLS, S.D. (AP) — Nine Native American tribes in South Dakota, North Dakota and Nebraska are suing the federal government in a bid to stop exploratory drilling for graphite near a sacred site in the Black Hills.

A small group of opponents has been demonstrating at the drilling location and at the mining company’s headquarters in what they call a land defense effort since they learned ground was broken on the drilling project in late April.

The tribes filed their federal lawsuit Thursday in South Dakota against the U.S. Forest Service and U.S. Department of Agriculture, alleging the agencies violated federal law by greenlighting a project near a site called Pe’Sla, a meadow in the central Black Hills used for tribal ceremonies, prayer and youth camps year-round. Buffalo regularly graze at the site, the suit said, adding the project poses a threat to wildlife.

Graphite has many industrial uses, including in batteries, lubricants, certain auto parts and in blast furnaces, according to website of the European Carbon and Graphite Association.

Land rights in the Black Hills

The project is the latest point of tension between tribes and mining interests in the lush pine and spruce-covered Black Hills, which encompass over 1.2 million acres (485,000 hectares), rising from the Great Plains in southwest South Dakota and extending into Wyoming.

The region is a yearly destination for millions of tourists boasting such attractions as Mount Rushmore and wildlife-filled state parks. Yet for even longer, it has been sacred to Sioux tribes who call the area He Sapa and consider it “the heart of everything that is,” according to the complaint.

Some of the landscape was altered by an 1870s gold rush that displaced Native Americans. And more recently, a new crop of miners driven by rising gold prices have sought to return to the landscape.

The 1868 Treaty of Fort Laramie granted the Sioux Nations rights to the Black Hills, but the U.S. broke the treaty after gold was discovered. Though the Supreme Court ruled the Sioux were owed compensation, they have not accepted it and consider it unceded territory.

The complaint said the project by Rapid City-based mining company Pete Lien & Sons would impact the use of Pe’Sla for traditional, cultural and religious purposes by the tribes, and that the Forest Service did not consult with the tribes before approving the project.

Tribes bought parts of Pe’Sla in 2012, 2015 and 2018, and an agreement between the tribes and the Forest Service established a two-mile (three kilometer) buffer zone on public lands around the site, according to the complaint.

Because Pe’Sla was not included as an affected area and no environmental review was conducted, the approval violates the National Historic Preservation Act and National Environmental Policy Act, the lawsuit alleges.

Pete Lien & Sons, which supplies materials like limestone, sand and gravel, did not return phone or email requests for comment Thursday, Sunday and Monday.

Oglala Sioux Tribe President Frank Star Comes Out said in a statement that the lawsuit is “a historic demonstration of unity” between the nine tribes. The tribes are separate, distinct federally recognized tribes sharing cultural and linguistic roots, but each with its own government and land base.

“We as Lakota people have been coming and praying and holding ceremony at these places for over 2,000 years,” said Wizipan Garriott, president of Indigenous advocacy group NDN Collective and a member of the Rosebud Sioux Tribe. “And so us being here is a continuation of countless generations before us. And it’s important that these sacred places be protected for future generations to come.”

The Forest Service granted a permit to the project in February without an environmental review because the agency said it qualified for a categorical exclusion by having a duration of less than a year and not posing impacts to environmental and cultural sites.

But tribal opponents disagree that those requirements were met and said drilling projects are often a first step leading to future mines.

Besides the lawsuit from the tribes, NDN Collective and other environmental groups have also sued to stop the project.

Some of the drilling pads are in the buffer zone around the site, according to NDN Collective. The project calls for the company to drill up to 18 holes down some 1,000 feet (300 meters) to collect samples.

On Thursday, opponents demonstrated with signs reading “Protect Pe’Sla” and “Sacred ground not mining bound” near two drilling pads to block access. NDN Collective said the Forest Service told them drilling was paused for the rest of the day and the contractors were sent home.

The Forest Service said it had no comment on the project because it is the subject of active litigation.

The NDN Collective said it will continue actions at the sites as needed to protect Pe’Sla.

“As Lakota, we pray as long as we need to,” Garriott said.

Boots Riley’s Film ‘I Love Boosters’ Is A Wild And Surrealist Social Satire

The Carolinian — Sat, 06 Jun 2026 21:22:12 +0000

AP NEWS - Boots Riley holds nothing back in his audacious, surrealist social satire “I Love Boosters.” The film is a go-for-broke expression of wild imagination and social consciousness that’s impossible not to admire for its wacky, bold vision, with teleporting, high fashion snobbery and pyramid schemes.

Here is a movie where we get Keke Palmer, Naomi Ackie and Taylour Paige leading a vigilante shoplifting operation, Demi Moore as a toxic girl boss, Don Cheadle as a sleazy lifestyle evangelist, Will Poulter as a fussy store manager and LaKeith Stanfield as a discount brand model with a strange accent and a hypnotizing stare. It sounds like fun, right? Like a raucous, madcap ride through the inequities of the fashion business from the executive suite, down to the retail store where the goods are sold and the Chinese factories where they’re made? And on a certain level it is all of that, but one thing it is not is very funny. “I Love Boosters” can be amusing and clever, but the laugh-out-loud comedy just isn’t quite there. And it doesn’t help that the film goes more off the rails as it progresses to a climax that is less rousing than mind-numbing.

The thing is, “I Love Boosters” does start on a strong, albeit minor key as we’re introduced to the Velvet Gang, Corvette (Palmer), Sade (Ackie) and Mariah (Paige) and their booster operation, stealing overpriced designer wares from high end stores and selling them for a steep discount on the street. There’s a kind of a Robin Hood sensibility to it all. Mariah calls it “Triple F,” or “Fashion Forward Filanthropy.” She knows how to spell philanthropy, she deadpans; This is branding.

But despite the colorful surroundings, there’s a pervasive hopelessness in this off-kilter world that looks a lot like our own. Corvette, particularly, feels outside of it all, as a woman who dreams of being a designer herself but is currently squatting in a closed fast food chicken shop and being haunted by a boulder of debt (like, literally). It doesn’t help that the founder she idolizes, Moore’s Christie Smith, has become obsessed with stopping the boosters. To Christie, a genius megalomaniac, they’re the big problem with her business and not the fact that her store employees are being paid a pittance and her factory employees even less. The people who work at the factories are also getting sick from sandblasting the denim. And yes, these are all real things.

Eiza González’s vaping Violeta becomes the face of the store employees forced to use their own paychecks to buy their uniforms. Poppy Liu’s Jianhu, who teleports herself from China to the Bay Area, is that for the factory workers. This oddball group of five women band together to get revenge against Christie. Again, this all sounds like it should be a fun time, but the film is too busy jumping around and throwing ideas and concepts at the screen (teleporting somehow the least distracting of them) for us to spend much time just hanging out with these vibrant personalities.

It is a crime that this is only Riley’s second produced movie. Though it might not reach the crackling heights of his debut, “Sorry to Bother You,” his imagination is still on fire. Unlike so much of what’s out there, “I Love Boosters” has both style and substance, which is worth something even if it doesn’t land perfectly (or capably inspire any kind of revolution). In a marketplace full of content and franchises, here is a filmmaker with something to say and an interesting way to say it.

“I Love Boosters,” a Neon release in theaters Friday, is rated R by the Motion Picture Association for “strong sexual content, brief drug use, nudity and language throughout.” Running time: 115 minutes. Two and a half stars out of four.

The Little Washington Growing Group Grows Food & Education In Goldsboro

Judaea Ingram — Sat, 06 Jun 2026 12:28:00 +0000

By Judaea Ingram

Special To The Carolinian

GOLDSBORO, N.C. — Cheryl Lewis Alston did not plan to become a farmer. A retired educator, she first brought gardens into classrooms as a way to teach science through hands-on learning. Today, that approach has grown into a community farm project that blends food production, education and access on city-owned land in Wayne County.

Alston, founder and director of the Little Washington Growing Group, has built her work around the idea that food production can also function as education and community building. With a background in science education, she spent years teaching in local schools before expanding into agriculture and food systems. That shift came through school gardens used in classroom instruction, where science, reading and math were taught through planting and harvesting. Over time, that approach grew into broader community-based food work across Wayne County.

“She encouraged me to start my own farm,” Romaine Barnett said. “Now I’m doing it.” Barnett now runs WildRoot Fresh Farms, and said Alston served as a mentor in helping her take that step into farming.

According to regional agricultural documentation, Alston’s work has included partnerships with schools and local organizations focused on food access and education, including leadership connected to the Wayne Food Initiative and later development of the Little Washington Growing Group, which focuses on growing and distributing fresh produce in underserved areas while teaching agricultural skills.

That educational foundation is still visible in the work taking place on the farm today. Volunteers, family members and collaborators move through planting beds and work areas where production and learning happen side by side.

“It’s not just coming out here to farm,” one volunteer said. “You’re learning why things grow the way they do, and you’re learning it together.”

Among those working on site is DyNasia Dawson, who manages the farm’s chicken operation. The chickens provide eggs while also serving as part of the group’s hands-on learning environment. During a recent visit, Dawson’s daughter was also present and actively involved, including operating a tractor to help maintain and mow portions of the land for continued planting.

The work is highly collaborative, with roles shared across generations and skill sets. Volunteers describe the environment as productive but also social, with laughter, joking and conversation woven into the workday.

Tim Norris, who previously worked with Alston through the Wayne Food Initiative, has contributed to the group’s soil and sustainability practices. His work includes using organic and repurposed materials to improve soil health, part of a broader effort to reduce waste while strengthening growing conditions.

“A lot of what we’re doing is about rebuilding the soil and not just taking from it,” Norris said. “If you take care of the land, it takes care of you.”

The educational aspect of the initiative also extends beyond agriculture. Shirley Sheread, a retired teacher who worked with Alston at the same school, remains connected to the project. Her background in education reflects the group’s broader belief that learning does not stop in the classroom and can continue in community spaces like the farm.

Alston’s daughter, Joanne Spruill, also plays an active role in the operation. During a recent workday, she was on a tractor mowing sections of the land, helping prepare space for expansion and ongoing planting. Her presence reflects the family’s continued involvement in the project and its generational approach to land stewardship and food access.

The initiative builds on earlier regional food work, including efforts tied to the Wayne Food Initiative, which focused on addressing food insecurity through local production and distribution networks. Those efforts helped shape the foundation for Alston’s current work, which combines production, education and community distribution on a smaller but active local scale.

Today, the Little Washington Growing Group continues to expand its vision for the site. Plans include a dedicated produce pickup area, expanded crop production and future additions such as beehives for honey and additional livestock integration.

The project is rooted in addressing food insecurity in Goldsboro and surrounding areas while also rebuilding hands-on knowledge of growing food. Alston’s long-term vision includes producing vegetables, eggs and honey that can be distributed directly back into the community through an on-site pickup system.

“We want people to be able to come in, get what they need, and go,” she said. “Fresh food should be accessible.”

As the group finished labeling trays of seedlings, the tables were lined with small pots, each marked with a date, a name and a future harvest.

In a region where access to fresh produce remains uneven, the project reflects both necessity and hope, a belief that food systems can be built locally and knowledge grows when it is shared.

“We’re going to keep building. One plant at a time,” Alston said.

NC Remains In Extreme Or Severe Drought Level

The Carolinian — Sat, 06 Jun 2026 11:35:00 +0000

A thirsty squirrel drinks from a sprinkler nozzle in Research Triangle Park amid drought conditions on May 28. Photo by Steve Worthy.

RALEIGH - Recent rainfall helped improve drought conditions in some parts of the state, but most of the state remains in extreme or severe drought, according to the N.C. Drought Management Advisory Council. The exceptional drought classification has been removed.

“The weekend rains were beneficial in much of the state,” said Klaus Albertin, chair of the DMAC. “For the first time in months, we actually saw the rainfall deficits drop a little. We still have a long way to go, but for the short term, soil moisture and stream flows have increased. The drop in reservoir elevations slowed as a result of the rain, but water demand is still higher than inflows to many water supplies.”

The southern Piedmont and western part of the state saw the heaviest rains, and in some cases, precipitation improved the drought classification by one category, according to Albertin. Rain gages near Asheville recorded nearly 8 inches of rain in the week through Wednesday, based on data from the Southeast Regional Climate Center.

“The northern Piedmont, including the drainage areas for Falls Lake and Jordan Lake, once again saw less than normal rainfall amounts,” Albertin said. “We are hopeful that the recent rains are an indication that the dry pattern we experienced since last August is shifting towards a more typical pattern for North Carolina.”

Water reservoir levels, streamflows and other measures are still much below normal. The public should check with their local water supply system for any information on water use restrictions that may be in place.

Rainfall totals since August of last year in Boone and in Raleigh are still down approximately 18 inches compared with historical averages for the same period, according to the NC State Climate Office. Rainfall totals recorded by gages in the Raleigh area are at record-low levels for the last six months, based on data from the Southeast Regional Climate Center. According to the state’s network of monitoring wells, groundwater levels are near record lows in many areas of the state based on records going back as far as 1965.